The majority of Catalans, in favor of the cordon sanitaire to Vox but not to Aliança

BarcelonaThere are definitions that allow us to approach the concept of the far-right. For example, a study by the University of Cambridge (United Kingdom) considers it "the most illiberal form a right-wing party can take" and highlights several characteristics, such as hostility towards liberal democracy, nativism, authoritarianism, and the populism of its postulates. When, in addition, it contemplates the use of violence, we are talking about the far-right. Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde explains that today nativism (the xenophobic way of understanding nationalism that adopts slogans in the style of "Home first") is precisely the main trait that unites the global far-right. But, of course, how is the degree of nativism measured, taking into account, moreover, that there are traditional parties that apply similar policies? Or the degree of populism or hostility towards liberal democracy? Abstract concepts lead to subjective assessments, and in the case of Catalonia, where two parties commonly considered far-right coexist, we have a clear example.

The majority of Catalans consider that both Vox and Aliança Catalana are far-right parties, but while the first case raises few doubts, in the second the population is more divided. The ARA survey, conducted by YouGov, detects that 74% of citizens place Vox on the far-right of the parliamentary spectrum and 55% do the same with Aliança. The majority is so clear in the case of Vox that even 52% of its own voters accept this label.

But Silvia Orriols' party, which defends proposals very similar to Vox, for example on border control, security policies, or those related to Europe, is more difficult to place, according to respondents. Left-wing voters are clear about it – 87% of CUP voters; 83% of Comunes voters; 82% of ERC voters; and 77% of PSC voters – but there is more division among PP voters (52%) and Junts voters (58%). In fact, the significant growth that the survey detects in Alianza Catalana comes precisely from attracting former voters of Carles Puigdemont's party. Neither Vox voters nor those of Alianza itself believe that this party can be considered far-right.

This difference between Vox and Alianza is also seen when it comes to evaluating the need for a cordon sanitaire to exclude the far right from pacts. In the case of the party led in Catalonia by Ignacio Garriga, 53% of Catalans believe that one should not make pacts under any circumstances (31% think so) and, conversely, the percentage drops to 39% when asked about the Orriols formation. There is, in fact, a majority among Junts voters (57%) who think that pacts should be made with Alianza when convenient, just like with any other party except Vox (Junts voters are firm defenders of the cordon against the Spanish far right).

Until now, Junts' position in the Parliament is the same as that maintained by the rest of the political forces that signed up to applying the cordon sanitaire to Alianza. That is, they oppose by default any initiatives they present – in some cases, such as the reactivation of the DUI, they decided to abstain –, just as they do with Vox. In the Congress of Deputies, the position is the same regarding the far right – Junts does not negotiate or build anything with Vox –, but Junts voters have not avoided their name appearing alongside that of the PP and Vox in some votes, always to reject policies of the PSOE and Sumar government. Not going any further, in the vote a few days ago on the decree that protected the renewal of rental contracts.

Trumpism fails in Catalonia

Through his influence, the President of the United States, Donald Trump, has been weaving a network of relationships with far-right parties around the world. Vox is part of it and, although Aliança is not, the party born in Ripoll is one of the openly supporters of the North American leader's policies. What do Catalans think, however? 74% have a negative opinion, and only 11% value it positively. If we analyze by party, only Vox voters are pro-Trump and not precisely massively: 47% are in favor; 26% against and 28% have neither a good nor bad opinion. In the case of Aliança, 65% of its voters reject Trump and this is indeed one of the major differences between the voters of the two far-right parties.

The other headlines from the survey

The Government and ERC are negotiating the 2026 budgets against the clock with the idea of approving them before the end of July. The majority of Catalans are in favor of the accounts being approved: 21% already thought the Government's project was good and 43% think it should be improved.

Something similar is happening with the new financing model as with the budgets. Catalans are largely in favor of it being approved, although 33% accept it as a lesser evil ("it is insufficient, but it is better to accept it"). For now, it remains in a drawer at the Ministry of Finance.

In August, it will be two years since Salvador Illa's government began its term. For now, public acceptance is rather scarce: 37% give a bad rating; 34% a regular one, and only 22% consider that it is doing well. The executive's average score is 4.13.

The limitation of rent prices generates much controversy between those who consider it a primary option to stop their growth and those who believe it is counterproductive because it expels properties from the market. Among Catalans, 67% are in favor.

Although Pedro Sánchez is one of the international leaders who has most opposed the increase in defense spending, his government is setting record figures. With the context of multiple wars in the world, 30% of Catalans see it as good that defense gains weight, but 43% reject it.

In general, Catalans do not agree on increasing defense spending, but they also do not want to leave NATO, the organization that demands the Spanish state spend more on weapons and ammunition. 47% are against leaving it, an option that only 25% defend.