The Rufián formula to "win over the fascists" on 11-29

BarcelonaAt the gates of the elections, the ERC candidate, Gabriel Rufián, publishes How to beat the fascists (Ara Llibres), in which he breaks down the keys to combat the far right and, in this way, avoid a victory for the PP with the support of Vox on 29-N. Below, we offer you a decalogue with the most important ideas of this work that distills the sharp style of the republican leader:

Rufián recommends not labeling potential far-right voters who come from the working classes as "poor fascists" as many sectors of the left do: "This concept is disastrous. It would be better not to insult those we want to convince. The left does a great disservice to the left by giving up on people. The right is in constant struggle and never gives up on anyone." The politician's premise should be, in his opinion, to "aspire to the doubt of the disoriented, not to the applause of the convinced." Mind you, he warns this potential voter that they must be clear about one thing: "There is only one thing worse than being poor and believing that you will be the next rich person: being poor and blaming someone poorer than you." And he concludes that "fascism does not hate immigrants, it hates poor immigrants.".

This social dissection allows him to venture into the concept of patriotism, which he believes must be linked to responding to social emergencies: "You are neither a patriot by hating half of your homeland nor are you brave by defending the privileges of a foreign billionaire before those of your compatriot or your African neighbor. To be a patriot is to worry about the endowments of a school or a hospital, not about the size of a flag pole". And he asks himself: If Vox and Aliança want to save Spain and Catalonia, why have they voted against all the aid and progress that improve the lives of their citizens? The answer, for him, is very simple: the extreme right defends that "many must always live worse so that a few can always live better".

ERC has been modulating its discourse on immigration and Rufián has also done so, pointing out that the massive arrival of people in working-class neighborhoods is a real "challenge of integration and inclusion" that requires recovering legal and orderly entry mechanisms. In the book he also reflects this idea: "The time has passed for 'don't talk about this, because that is buying into the right's framework'. The framework is already well and truly bought and one can only compete within it. Without fear of conflict". The migratory challenge must be based on "inclusion and a system of rights and obligations that is sustained by a basic rule: whoever does it, pays for it. Whether you are called Xavier or Brahim".

Without subterfuge, the Republican candidate blames the left for the rise of the far right. "The left has disappointed. And failed. There is an entire generation that has almost only known left-wing governments and still cannot buy an apartment or eat fish, meat, or fresh fruit every day –he laments–. You cannot stop the real right by being a fake left. Either the left focuses on people's refrigerators or the right will win by waving flags".

The lack of agreement among Spanish left-wing forces undermines the call for unity that he has been advocating for months and which he also includes in the book. "That there are two right-wing parties and fourteen left-wing parties at this historical moment explains many things. If we are not capable of reaching an agreement in the face of fascism, how will we do it in the face of everything else? –he writes–. Generosity is never rewarded in politics, but on the left, now, selfishness will be lethal. What is the point of having two, three, or four more deputies in Congress if Abascal is vice president? I ask the pro-independence left-wing parties to put their peoples before the threat that is coming upon us. Above all, we must be anti-fascist," he adds in a call that has had no effect. Rufián argues that "the Spanish left should withdraw from the provinces where it has no chance and the pro-independence left-wing parties should ask for votes for these Spanish left-wing parties outside of their nations".

This commitment to unity has led him to open a conflict with the ERC leadership. In this struggle, Rufián asserts himself before his party: "Parties are essential, leaderships are just posters. But party apparatuses must understand that charisma and electoral assets are something we must take care of and empower. Enough of only those who get along best arriving, and not those who do it best. Whoever puts their face forward must have the means and command".

Despite the accusations that ERC and other sovereignist forces in the State receive of being an appendix of the PSOE, the head of the list boasts about the achievements attained. "It is not about helping the PSOE to govern the State, it is about subduing the PSOE to force the State. Because the PSOE does not act, the PSOE is forced to act," he maintains, to recall that the dependence on sovereignist forces has allowed for progress in the achievement of rights.

Rufián does not bite his tongue when it comes to criticizing the corruption cases that plague the PSOE. "The left cannot steal because it has principles and the right, only interests. And because when the left steals, its people cry, but when the right does it, its people sign up," he concludes.

In the fight against the far right, it urges the left to use social media as Vox or Aliança do. "Before, politicians were active in parties and media outlets. Today they must do so on social media. The only doubt is whether by the time the left realizes it, it will already be too late," it states.

Rufián also dedicates a chapter to Catalonia to bring out all the artillery against Junts, whom he considers must be taken "to the corner of thought". "Junts is a deeply toxic party that is only interested in cornering what it does not consider pure. And this requires it to fall into the most absolute ostracism for years". "Only in this way –he adds– will its leaderships and messages stop imitating an Aliança Catalana that, because it is ultranationalist, neoliberal and racist, will take votes that will go from the lifelong reactionary convergent to the Spanish nationalist fascist". And he urges the 'juntaires' to stop "imitating Orriols to return to Pujol" because he denounces that he cannot imagine him "making a pact with an openly fascist party" and believes that "he would be the orator who would confront her the most" because Pujolism was based on "integration and the acceptance of a diverse Catalonia".