Reporting from Ukraine without dying in the attempt

Sumi (Ukraine)The war that has changed them all. That's how specialists and analysts often define the conflict in Ukraine, now entering its fifth year. Compared to the invention of radar in World War II, drone technology has forever changed the history of warfare, not only for those who fight in it, but also for those who report on it.

"We've had ethical discussions about whether our reporters should carry anti-drone guns that fire a small net to stop FPV drones. They're also expensive and require training," says Aliona Iatsina, founder and one of the editors of the media outlet. Kordon Mediawho works in the Sumi region. "Despite the drones, we still go with the army to the villages near the front lines, and we try to talk to the residents who are still there to find out how they live and what they need. Going there is motivating, but at the same time it's a problem," he adds.

KordonThe organization, which now employs 26 professionals, began with no budget and a small team of correspondents and experienced professionals who championed independent journalism made possible by donations. Aliona explains that institutions in countries like the Netherlands are interested in their expertise to transfer their experience working with drones. "Even in Spain, I know they are interested, not only to prepare for conflict but also to learn how to work during power outages," she says. With a lively expression, Aliona describes the daily confusion: "When there's an attack, they say it was a Shahed, a Gerbera, an Italmas... But we wait and just say drone, because Russia actually creates new ones every month or two."

Sixteen journalists have died in this war, 53 have been wounded, and 26 Ukrainian reporters are in Russian prisons, according to Reporters Without Borders. Nearly 600 have received psychological support for anxiety, depression, or exhaustion. "I don't think or dream about peace, because if you have hope, you're more easily disappointed. And right now, I have no emotional reserves for it," he says. However, as a therapeutic resource for the newsroom, they have Odin, a cat who hisses when he hears drones over the city and detects them before they do, he explains, laughing.

Combating disinformation

In Kharkiv, the country's second largest city and only 24 kilometers from the front, there are Gwara Mediaa media outlet run by young people. "Here, memories of the Euromaidan are of fear and resistance. Here, pro-Russian forces won, and groups came from all over the region to retake the administrative building they had occupied," explains editor Iana Sliemzina. With the aim of breaking the stereotype that the east and west of the country are divided, in 2016 its current director, Serhi Prokopenko, founded Gwara, which in the Ukrainian of the Lviv region means "dialect".

Iana's work in GwaraBesides moving across the front lines, it also involves fighting in the trenches of the fake newss. "We spend a lot of time on pro-Russian Telegram channels debunking fake news. It's exhausting, because sometimes we have to deal with the military press services to convince them to make a statement, because they consider it unnecessary. We already know you don't distribute dildos as humanitarian aid, but it's important that you confirm this to us."

"Sometimes the fake news They are subtle. For example, they take images of an arrest ordered by the Prosecutor's Office and pass it off as a forced mobilization. The video is real, but the context isn't. Or they create videos with logos of international media outlets." In 2024, Operation Overload took place, documenting how Russia flooded more than 800 international media outlets and organizations with emails and tweets. These tactics aimed to overload them with disinformation, forcing fact-checking experts to work long hours.

Iana explains how lies are spread when it comes to the killing of civilians: "First they say it was us. Then, that it was a military target. And finally, that it was Ukrainian air defenses. It's true that there can sometimes be casualties when drones are shot down, but it's obvious that there wouldn't be any if we weren't being attacked." They play with a grain of truth and with lies, and twist it to turn it into emotional material.” The editor, her eyes tired from screens, concludes that the Russians’ work is dehumanization and making you believe that “everyone is lying to you.”

Independence

The beginnings of Kyiv Independent (KI), the leading English-language media outlet covering Ukraine, shaped its character. Its staff is made up of former employees of Kyivpost who were dismissed in 2021 by their owner and oligarch – now deceased – Adnan Kivan, because they provided critical coverage of the government. "We were a good team, we knew each other and worked well together, and besides, the first reports of Russian troop movements on the borders were already arriving at the end of 2021. There wasn't a strong Ukrainian media outlet in English, and if there was a war, the country wouldn't have a good content platform," explains Toma Istomina. The beginning of the conflict, as Toma explains, was chaotic: once they were sure the staff were safe, they naturally began covering the liberation of Kyiv, Kharkiv, and the situation on the front lines. "In a few weeks, we went from ten thousand fans to two million," he says.

The business model of KI It is supported by more than 26,000 subscribers, who contribute 70% of the publication's budget, which employs nearly 80 people. "We have received grants, but we don't believe in them; they're complicated. In fact, when Trump cut aid from the United States Agency for International Development, we stopped receiving it and we started a fundraising campaign among our readers to help independent media outlets in the East that were struggling without assistance."

Toma explains that being critical of current corruption has resulted in an intermittent relationship with the presidential office and even complaints from some readers. "We understand, because we don't want to feed Russian propaganda, but if we don't expose it, especially when it's corruption in defense, there might not be a post-war period to report on it," he concludes.