One in ten Catalan town halls has changed mayor ahead of time

Motions of censure, resignations due to wear and tear, and power-sharing agreements have redrawn the Catalan local map since the 2023 municipal elections

full town hall
Roger Hernandez Pujol
30/08/2026 - 13:04 h.
4 min

BarcelonaLess than a year before the municipal elections, the picture of the Catalan local political map is no longer the one that was set after the constitution of the town councils in June 2023. According to data from the Generalitat compiled by Europa Press, 95 out of 947 Catalan municipalities – one in ten (10.03%) – have changed mayors during the current term. Neither Barcelona nor any of the other three provincial capitals have been affected, but yes, for example, the second most populous city in the country: l'Hospitalet de Llobregat changed mayors after the departure of Núria Marín – she was replaced by David Quirós. However, the changes mainly affect medium-sized and small municipal areas, and offer a glimpse into how parties are approaching the final stretch of the term before the 2027 elections.

The causes of the 95 changes are divided into three main blocks: 16 mayors have lost their leadership through a vote of no confidence; 25 changes are due to agreements between parties to share the mayorship, and more than thirty mayors have left their positions for personal, professional, family, or health reasons. Among them are some appointments for Salvador Illa's government, such as Pilar Díaz – she was the mayor of Esplugues de Llobregat and is now the Government delegate in Barcelona – Carles Ruiz – former mayor of Viladecans and now president of Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat – and Eva Menor – Minister of Equality and Feminism and former mayor of Badia del Vallès.

The wear and tear of a term marked by emergencies

Among resignations due to personal exhaustion is that of Joan Roig i Castell, mayor of ERC in Alcanar from October 4, 2018, to December 19, 2025, when after an extraordinary plenary session he resigned from the mayoralty and his councilor seat. Roig explains, in statements to ARA, that the torrential downpours in the final part of his term took their toll on him "physically and mentally", but the arrival of his first child was also added: "If you cannot commit yourself to the citizenry, it is better to leave", he summarizes.

Roig claims his departure as an exercise in coherence: he believes that politicians should not aspire "to live off the institutions all their lives", and says he has always wanted to distance himself from the "revolving door logic". He now dedicates himself to teaching in Martorell, a new stage that he values "very positively". Nevertheless, he acknowledges that it is impossible to completely disconnect from politics in the era "of social networks" and, in this sense, he remains open to helping the current municipal government, "always in a punctual and unidirectional way, prioritizing mental health and time with family".

Motions as a driver of change

No-confidence motions have left singular episodes across the country. From the case of Puigverd de Lleida –Josep Solsona left the mayoralty in 2024 after being arrested for an alleged case of gender violence, of which he was later acquitted, and died months later–to small towns like Setcases or Espinelves, where alliances of councilors have overturned governments that emerged from a single list.

To this list, we must add a very intricate case like that of Ribera d'Ondara (la Segarra), a municipality of approximately 450 inhabitants with a council divided into three almost equal blocs: three councilors from ERC, three from the PSC, and one from Aliança Catalana. After the 2023 elections, Francesc Sabanés (PSC) assumed the mayoralty thanks to the abstention of Aliança Catalana councilor Albert Puig, who chose to respect the most voted list.

Sabanés governed in minority until ERC offered Puig to join the government and occupy the mayoralty for four months – during the maternity leave of the new mayoress, Elisabet Jové. He accepted and they ousted Sabanés in the first no-confidence motion of the term in the municipality. The agreement quickly fractured – ERC ended up expelling its councilors – and after four months Puig resigned, arguing that he suffered "media harassment," which opened the door for Sabanés to regain the mayoralty with a new no-confidence motion, this time with the support of the number two on the Aliança Catalana list, who demanded to join as a non-affiliated councilor. In statements to ARA, Sabanés – who continues to govern – explained that in such small municipalities "this division greatly conditions decision-making," and called for "solid agreements from the outset to avoid strange combinations that end up harming the municipality".

Agreements that share the mayoralty

According to the data collected, alternation agreements in the mayor's office between different formations are one of the most common factors in changes: up to 25 municipalities are experiencing a pre-arranged change this term. This is the case of Roses, where Sílvia Ripoll (Junts) took over last month from Josep Maria Martínez (PSC), according to the 3+1 scheme agreed in 2023 between the PSC, Junts per Roses and Gent del Poble, which left ERC out of the government – the most voted candidacy on 28-M.

Ripoll has argued in statements to ARA that "the agreement does not move away from the result of the polls". She acknowledges, however, that the final stretch is becoming complicated as the election date approaches: "It will not be a year of major projects, but I wanted to set my own profile". Looking ahead to 2027, she remains cautious, "aware that the appearance of Aliança Catalana will further fragment the municipal map": "The more division there is, the worse: the citizens are the ones who suffer". A similar formula is repeated, for example, in Torredembarra, where the term is shared between ERC and the PSC with three different mayors.

The trickle of changes does not stop as the term approaches its final stretch. On July 14, Vilanova del Vallès (Vallès Oriental) experienced the most turbulent episode of all: a motion of no confidence driven by two councilors from the same governing team.

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