1. Steve Bannon, a prominent voice of Trumpism, said that Viktor Orbán is “one of the moral leaders of the world”. For now, this figure whom Trump felt so close to that he said they were “like twins” is licking his wounds from a crushing defeat. Tisza, Péter Magyar's party, will have an absolute majority with 138 seats, compared to Fidesz, Orbán's party, with 55. It is precisely the unexpected dimension of the failure that has made these elections an event.

The defeat of Viktor Orbán at the ballot box has a few losers. The end of the hitherto all-powerful Hungarian prime minister and the European Union's longest-serving leader is the result of a series of miscalculations and a widespread weariness with the excesses of clientelistic patronage in a country plagued by inflation, wage erosion, and chronic underinvestment in healthcare, education, and public services. Orbán got his message, his friends, and his enemies wrong. Economic discontent has prevailed over the discourse of fear and external threats.

Where is the new Hungary of the conservative democrat Péter Magyar heading? Towards a return to Europeanism (against Putin, against Trump, and against the far-right), towards the reconstruction of the rule of law (against authoritarian and illiberal policies), and towards respect for plurality and minorities (against hate speech targeting groups like the LGTBI+ or against the rejection of identity diversity represented by immigration).

Good news arrived tonight from Hungary:Viktor Orbán has lost the elections. He has lost them clearly, because the opposition leader has won them with a resounding two-thirds absolute majority with the highest turnout in Hungary's recent democratic history; never before had so many people gone to vote since 1989 when the communist regime fell, meaning there was a desire to vote and a desire for change.The profile of the winner, Péter Magyar, is apparently contradictory: he worked for Orbán's government, but has been increasingly distancing himself until stating tonight that "the people of Hungary have said yes to Europe". And in Brussels there is euphoria, because although Hungary is a relatively small country (9 and a half million inhabitants), Orbán's Hungary was a kind of black sheep in the European Union for a double and powerful reason: it was the candidate of Putin and Trump. It has always opposed European sanctions on Russia, and as for Trump, Orbán was one of the European references for the American president, to the point that last week Vice President Vance went to Hungary to support Orbán in an electoral rally. That Trump's candidates lose in Europe, that going hand in hand with Trump detracts rather than adds, is a sign that people do not want wars like those in Iran that are making us more expensive and complicating our lives, as we explain on this page: the rising cost of fertilizers threatens the cost of food, and it turns out that the Persian Gulf countries are among the main producers.the rising cost of fertilizers threatens the cost of food, and it turns out that the Persian Gulf countries are among the main producers.By the way, the first round of peace talks with Iran ended in disagreement (as expected) and tonight Trump said he will block the Strait of Hormuz (which will prevent Iran from charging tolls to pass through it), which in essence is an acknowledgment that he cannot open it. And since he does everything in bulk, this morning he attacked Pope Leo XIV in one of those on-the-fly responses, saying that the Pope is

The legislative elections in Hungary are already historic before the results are known. After weeks of messages highlighting that these were decisive elections, the population has responded with massive participation. Preliminary data, corresponding to the count at 5 p.m., two hours before the polling stations close, show a participation of 74.23%. This figure is already higher than the total participation figure in all previous elections, since 1998. Until now, the highest participation had been recorded in 2002, when at the closing of the polling stations it stood at 70.5%.

The system that Viktor Orbán has tailored for himself over the last decade and a half has not been able to overcome the euphoria and hope for change generated by Péter Magyar. Tisza, the party that has managed to unite all opposition to the Fidesz government, has swept the legislative elections this Sunday. With almost all votes counted, the results project a Parliament with an absolute majority for Tisza, which would win 138 seats, meaning it would control two-thirds of the lower house. Fidesz would take 54 and the far-right party Our Homeland Movement, seven. In terms of vote percentage, Magyar secures 53% of the support, and Orbán 37%. An unmitigated and unprecedented defeat for Orbán, who has accepted the loss and congratulated his rival.

"They are prepared to do anything. Tomorrow a whole series of false flag operations are expected, coordinated with Russian agents, following their advice. We have precise information." The opposition leader in Hungary, Péter Magyar, made this statement on Saturday night during his last campaign rally. From the top of the stage he intended to amplify the concern that some of his followers have expressed in recent days before Sunday's elections, in which Viktor Orbán is fighting for the prime minister's seat., in which Viktor Orbán is fighting for the prime minister's seat.

Budapest woke up on Saturday with many fewer election posters on the city's lampposts. Intoxicated by euphoria (and beer), many young Hungarians took down as many propaganda panels as they could. All from Fidesz, the party of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. Heroes' Square in the Hungarian capital and its surroundings were filled on Friday with Hungarians eager for political change in the country. On the enormous esplanade, and along the 700-meter tree-lined avenue leading to it, shouts against Orbán were repeated over and over, who this Sunday is risking everything in an election considered the most decisive since the fall of communism.

Large speaker towers, a stage, drones, screens and a multitude of staff and volunteers. Péter Magyar's rallies, just two years ago seemed organized with a shoe and a sandal. The stage was a pickup van with a microphone on the trailer. Now they have the appearance of a professional and well-resourced party that believes what the polls say ahead of Sunday's elections: that it could be the future governing party in Hungary.

A figurehead and ally of Putin and Trump in Europe, and a key figure of the anti-European and anti-immigration continental far-right, Viktor Orbán is much more than a nuisance to the European Union: he is the internal enemy who has called into question the EU's foundational values and short-circuited its system of unanimous governance. His eventual defeat at the polls this Sunday would therefore mean a respite and an injection of pro-European confidence, both to make Russia's support for Ukraine clear, to show the US president the limits of his influence on the Old Continent, and, thirdly, to deflate the far-right's rise.

The parade of far-right leaders through Hungary in recent weeks has been worthy of a superpower. In 16 years, Viktor Orbán has turned a country that represents less than 1% of the European GDP into a bulwark of global ultraconservatism. The latest visit, that of the Vice President of the United States, J.D. Vance, demonstrates the nervousness of leaders who know that in Budapest they are not only playing for a government, but a key battle for discourse.

Viktor Orbán is likely facing the most decisive week of his political career. After governing Hungary since 2010 with absolute majorities, for the first time he faces an opponent who could unseat him. Orbán, who is the longest-serving European leader, will contend for it this Sunday, April 12, with Péter Magyar, a defector from Fidesz, the ruling party, who has become the only opposition figure with a real chance of defeating Orbán.

If on April 12th Viktor Orbán loses the elections, as the polls predict, Hungary will join the European countries where the far-right has peaked, like Marine Le Pen in the French municipal elections, or like in Italy, where Giorgia Meloni failed in a key call in the referendum on justice. The possible defeat of Orbán and the triumph of the liberal right of Péter Magyar would add to the siege of indications and suspicions that hangs over the Hungarian prime minister, accused of having leaked confidential information from the European Union to Vladimir Putin, as well as placing all sorts of obstacles to European support for Ukraine.

In Moscow, alarms have sounded. After sixteen years, Viktor Orbán's continuity at the helm of Hungary is in danger. Vladimir Putin fears losing his great ally in the European Union, a thorn in the side for Brussels' support of Kyiv and a stubborn buyer of repudiated Russian gas and oil. To try to prevent this, various media outlets have warned that the Kremlin has launched an operation to influence the elections of April 12. Actions that include from the disembarkation of spies in Budapest to disinformation campaigns on social media and, even, considering the staging of a false attack against the current prime minister to boost his popularity.

Péter Magyar burst onto the Hungarian political scene two years ago. He was an unknown, but in a very short time he rose up in a kind of messianic figureHe was the politician on whom all the hopes of those who dream of a Hungary without Viktor Orbán in power were pinned. Just two months after his party, Tisza, was registered as a political organization, it finished ahead of Fidesz, the prime minister's party, in the European elections. But back then, the big event, the Hungarian parliamentary elections, still seemed too far off, and there was an inevitable wariness of the newcomer among citizens and analysts. Now, less than a month before the elections, Péter Magyar has consolidated his position as a competitor on par with Viktor Orbán, who for the first time since 2010 faces a real possibility of losing the elections.

The EU is going through difficult times, with two powerful enemies closing in and trying to undermine its autonomy in every area. One is Vladimir Putin's Russia, which, since the invasion of Ukraine, has not stopped threatening the European space, even militarily. The other is Trump and his administration, who have not stopped showing contempt for the EU and threatening it economically and even militarily, despite being historical allies. And, as if that weren't enough, there are the internal enemies, the main one being, and this is not too surprising, Viktor Orbán, the Hungarian prime minister, who has not stopped throwing a wrench in the works of EU initiatives, especially those related to European support for Volodymyr Zelensky's Ukraine.

Giant images of Volodymyr Zelensky fill billboards during the election campaign in Hungary. Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has decided to turn the general elections on April 12 into a referendum on the war in Ukraine and, in doing so, fuel the war psychosis that already guaranteed him a strong majority in 2022. The Fidesz leader has been in power for sixteen uninterrupted years, built on assumptions about the future. Since 2010, Orbán and his party—which has become a benchmark for the transatlantic far right—have managed to construct a vast partisan media ecosystem, at the heart of which is the National Communications Office, under the prime minister's watchful eye. Billions of euros invested in communication campaigns and a coordinated social media strategy are complemented by the creation of grassroots activist movements that amplify the arguments, theories, and accusations dictated by Fidesz.

If US President Donald Trump could vote in Hungary's April 12 parliamentary elections, it's clear he would vote for his friend, the ultranationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who is running for reelection. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio expressed Trump's clear support for Orbán on Monday, who faces his most challenging election since coming to power in 2010. Both Hungary and Hungary are considered rogue states of the European Union, and this is a show of support for their populist and conservative leaders. Rubio and Orbán agreed at a joint press conference that relations between Washington and Budapest are in "a golden age," which they attributed primarily to the friendship between Trump and the Hungarian leader. "I don't think it's any mystery, and it shouldn't be to anyone here, what the president thinks of you. I can tell you with confidence that President Trump is deeply committed to your success. Your success is our success," the US Secretary of State emphasized. Rubio believes that the perception, held by some, that Hungary is isolated on the international stage is mistaken. He cites bilateral agreements between Washington and Budapest and investments by US companies in the European country thanks to Orbán's "leadership," as evidence of this, since his government promotes a favorable business environment, in his view. Rubio and his Hungarian counterpart, Péter Szijjártó, signed a bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement in Budapest. Washington also granted Hungary a one-year exemption from US sanctions last year for using Russian oil and gas. a gesture that rewarded his dissent within the EUNow, the two countries have signed a new investment agreement. "For those who think Hungary is isolated, this agreement is a way of telling them that it isn't. There are American companies that want to invest in Europe," especially in countries with "strong leadership," Rubio said. As detailed at a press conference, the agreement includes 17 investments by American companies in Hungary and also "cheap energy." "We want this economy to prosper, we want this country to do well. It's in our country's interest, especially while you are the prime minister and leader of that country," the US Secretary of State added. "If you face financial difficulties, obstacles to growth, threats to the country's stability, I know President Trump will be very interested in finding ways to provide assistance," Rubio promised. Ukraine Negotiations

Orbán took the opportunity to praise Trump's handling of the conflict in Ukraine, for which, he said, he would continue to support peace efforts: "If Donald Trump had been president of the United States then, this war would not have started, and if he were not president now, there would be no possibility of stopping it." The Hungarian leader once again expressed his willingness to host a potential peace conference in Budapest and invited Trump to visit his country soon. "We don't intend to impose an agreement on anyone [...] We only want to help them. Because we believe it is an incredibly damaging and destructive war," Rubio added. He considered the US to be the only country capable of bringing representatives of Ukraine and Russia to the negotiating table: "I'm not here to insult anyone, but the United Nations hasn't been able to do it. There isn't any other country in Europe that has been able to do it."

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A racist comment by a Hungarian minister about Roma people, suggesting they should "clean the filthy toilets" on trains, could backfire on Fidesz, the party of ultranationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, ahead of the April 12 parliamentary elections. "The reserve of this country is the Hungarian people, not immigrants. The decision to close the border means that everyone must be given a chance in Hungary. We will not allow anyone who is not Hungarian into the country. If there are no immigrants and someone has to clean the toilets on intercity trains because Hungarian voters are unwilling, then the internal reserve must be called upon." "And the internal reserve is Hungary's Roma population," declared Transport and Construction Minister János Lázár at a rally with supporters outside Budapest.

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Jean-Marie Le Pen's old National Front has long considered the working-class voters of the Communist Party its main source of support. To attract this segment of the population, it adopted a discourse that blended social justice with nationalism, using the well-known slogan "People First." This wasn't exactly a new phenomenon. Back in the 1920s and 30s, fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany also adopted social policies and identified international capital, often equating it with Jews, as the enemy. In Spain, the Primo de Rivera-era Falange also considered itself revolutionary and looked to Hitler and Mussolini for inspiration. A significant portion of the current global far right is returning to this discourse and attempting to capitalize on concerns about access to housing. Not all of it, however, because there are also examples of unrepentant neoliberalism, such as that represented by Javier Milei in Argentina, which opposes any kind of market regulation. Perhaps the most significant gesture in this regard was that of Donald Trump on January 7, when he announced regulations to prevent investment funds from buying single-family homes. "People live in homes, not corporations," Trump said. However, it remains unclear whether this measure has legal standing in the United States.

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