The day before the trial of the Kitchen case began at the National Court, the PP announced that its strategy was to create a firewall. "Feijóo is not the Kitchen," party sources proclaimed. This has been the popular party's approach throughout the first and second days of the oral hearing. The argument that current PP leaders repeat both in public and in private is that it is a matter related to the past, which has absolutely nothing to do with Alberto Núñez Feijóo and the current popular president's team. The person in charge of verbalizing this on Tuesday was Alicia García, spokesperson in the Senate, in a press conference focused on attacking Pedro Sánchez for the alleged corruption surrounding him. "We are talking about a case from more than ten or fifteen years ago, but today a case from fifteen minutes ago from the PSOE is being judged. And those that remain," she defended.

The National High Court kicks off the trial of the Kitchen case. It is the operation orchestrated by the state's "sewers" to steal from Luis Bárcenas, the former treasurer of the PP, information or data that could compromise leaders of the Popular Party within the framework of the Gürtel case. Sitting on the defendant's bench are, among others, Jorge Fernández Díaz (who was Minister of the Interior from 2011 to 2016), Francisco Martínez (who was Secretary of State for the Interior), Eugenio Pino (who was deputy operational director of the Spanish police) and retired commissioner José Manuel Villarejo. "I face the trial with great enthusiasm, I trust that the truth will prevail," Villarejo acknowledged upon arriving at the headquarters of the National High Court in San Fernando de Henares. And he said he has "no fear" of going to prison: "If they put me in again, it will be to not get out. Since they've seen that I don't shut up, it's normal that this time the plan works out for them," he added.

Year 2013. Mariano Rajoy governs Spain with an absolute majority and the "papers of Luis Bácenas" come to light, revealing the existence of a black box within the PP. Following this, the Ministry of the Interior, led by Jorge Fernández Díaz, designs and –according to the Public Prosecutor's account– launches an "illicit police intelligence operation" with the aim of stealing information and evidence from Luis Bárcenas, the former treasurer of the PP, that would incriminate popular leaders in the context of the Gürtel case. The ultimate objective is to "prevent" it from reaching the hands of the investigators. Five years later, that corruption trial ends with the sentence that leads to the motion of no confidence that brings Pedro Sánchez to La Moncloa. And now, thirteen years later, the leadership of the patriotic police sits on the defendants' bench, with "requests for fifteen years in prison by the Public Prosecutor's Office, in a trial that begins on Monday at the National Court and which will have to shed light on the maneuvers of the state's sewers to protect the PP. The main crimes they are accused of are cover-up, embezzlement, bribery, disclosure of secrets, and influence peddling.

Following the National Court's decision to send BBVA, as a legal entity, and its former president Francisco González to trial, the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office has made its move, demanding a 173-year prison sentence for the former executive and a fine of over €180 million for the financial institution. This is the prosecution's sentencing request in the espionage case related to the company of former police commissioner José Manuel Villarejo, as stated in the prosecution's indictment. Specifically, González faces a five-year prison sentence for continuous active bribery and an additional 168 years for 42 counts of disclosing and revealing secrets (four years for each count). However, sources within the Public Prosecutor's Office specify that, if convicted, the maximum sentence the former BBVA president would serve is three times the most severe penalty imposed. Regarding the financial penalty for the bank, it amounts to nine million euros for bribery (5,000 euros per day for five years) and 172.8 million euros for 48 counts of disclosing secrets (5,000 euros per day for two years for each count). The Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office believes this penalty is warranted for having hired Villarejo between 2004 and 2016. During those years, the bank, then headed by González, contracted Cenyt, the retired police commissioner's company, to spy on the construction company Sacyr.

Does the fortune of the Pujols in Andorra come from the famous inheritance of grandfather Florenci or from illegal commissions in exchange for political favors? This is the big question that is being tried to be clarified in a trial that already has 24 sessions and has brought 200 witnesses before the National Court so far. The interrogations, with recurring technical problems and repeated memory lapses, are focusing particularly on the operations carried out by Jordi Pujol Ferrusola, who faces 29 years in prison for five crimes. Many witnesses have accredited the eldest son's role as an intermediary: he offered "many business opportunities" to businessmen – it was all relationships between private individuals – and in return, he received compensation if the project was successful. However, the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office believes that the money movements served to mask commissions that responded to a "network of clientelism" that his father had woven from the Generalitat. For the moment, this favoritism has not been proven during the trial.

Francesc Sánchez (Sant Boi, 1971) is Oriol Pujol's lawyer in the trial currently taking place at the Audiència Nacional. During the preliminary questions, he denounced that the start of the investigation was "unlawful" and responded to the "will" of "part of the State apparatus" to want to "influence" the independence process. A few weeks ago, he provided the documentation from the case underway in Andorra regarding the disappearance of Banca Privada d'Andorra to prove the intervention of State sewers. The former legal representative of Convergència is confident that the pending witness statements from Celestino Barroso –former Interior attaché at the Andorran embassy– and Joan Pau Miquel –former CEO of BPA– will support this and celebrates that the president of the court, José Ricardo de Prada, "put a stop" to José Manuel Villarejo.

"I don't know." And so on, up to 35 times. The head of the Economic and Fiscal Crime Unit (UDEF) that prepared the reports in the Pujol case admitted today that he may have made inaccuracies and errors in his reports. After testified yesterday for more than five hours Answering questions from the prosecution and the state attorney, the defense lawyers cornered him for six hours today, attempting to discredit the hypotheses and inferences he made in the twenty or so reports he signed. "We are witnessing his ineptitude," summarized Cristóbal Martell, Jordi Pujol Ferrusola's lawyer, at one point during his cross-examination. When Pau Ferrer, the lawyer for four of the former president of the Generalitat's children, asked him about the inheritance of their grandfather Florenci—which the witness questioned yesterday—he admitted to searching for information on Google. He also admitted to using the famous search engine at other times. So much so that Oriol Rusca, the lawyer for Mercè Gironès—the eldest son's ex-wife—mocked him for it.

How did the investigation into the Pujol family's accounts in Andorra begin? It's one of the big questions the National Court is trying to answer this week. After the statements from the top brass of patriotic policeAfter the investigation into the origin of the banking information of the former president of the Generalitat's family, which had feigned ignorance, it was now the turn of Álvaro Ibáñez, the investigator from the Central Unit for Economic and Fiscal Crime (UDEF) who signed all the reports in the investigation. Some twenty documents and more than 2,000 pages. After the complaint filed by Vicky Álvarez, Jordi Pujol Ferrusola's former lover, encouraged by José Manuel Villarejo in 2012, his first action was to "corroborate with factual data" what she had recounted. For example, whether the eldest son had been at the Eurobuilding Hotel or if he was the authorized representative of a British company. He analyzed notarial deeds, databases from the Tax Agency, and payment records. But he couldn't examine everything: "Initially, I couldn't verify whether or not the millions in cash deposits in Andorra actually occurred." And the case was "paralyzed" for almost two years.

Since the court in the Pujol trial accepted that José Manuel Villarejo and other members of the patriotic police would testify as witnesses, there was a lot of expectation –especially in the media– about what they would say. They were to answer about the obtaining of banking information from the family of the former president of the Generalitat, which was leaked to El Mundo, and about the genesis of the criminal case, which started more than ten years ago. However, they have provided few specifics, few certainties, and many shadows of doubt on all the questions the defense attorneys have asked them. With contradictory statements that have been denied by journalistic investigations and revelations in recent years.

Since the Pujol case trial court accepted that José Manuel Villarejo and other members of the patriotic police When they testified as witnesses, there was much anticipation—more from the media than the courts—to hear what they would say. They had to answer questions about the maneuvers they carried out to illegally obtain banking information from the family of the former president of the Generalitat—information that was leaked to The World—and regarding the origins of the criminal case—which began more than ten years ago following a complaint filed by Vicky Álvarez, the eldest son's former lover, encouraged by Villarejo. However, the four witnesses who have testified have provided few concrete details and few certainties, and instead have offered a display of evasiveness and sown many shadows of doubt.

During the trial of the Pujol Ferrusola family, which has been underway at the National Court since November, more than 200 witnesses will have to testify. The court is working tirelessly to organize and summon them, and to make the most of the sessions. But it's proving to be no easy task. The difficulties in connecting with the witnesses—most are testifying remotely—and in locating them—a few days ago the court acknowledged that some thirty were in unknown locations—are adding another layer of complexity to the hearings, which are becoming somewhat chaotic. And this Thursday, in the sixteenth session, the blunder was summoning a witness who wasn't actually the one who was supposed to be questioned.

The accounts held by the Pujol Ferrusola family in Andorra were the focus of the thirteenth session of the trial, which has been underway for two and a half months at the National Court. The eldest son—who continues to attend every session in person—watched as the prosecutor scrutinized transactions between his bank accounts and others at Andbank, whose holders claim to know nothing about these transfers. Some even admit to having accounts in the Pyrenean country. In other words, the prosecution called as witnesses on Monday individuals who allegedly sent or received money from Jordi Pujol Ferrusola without his knowledge.

A blow has been dealt to the far-right group Hazte Oír by the National Court. Judge Antonio Piña has dismissed the lawsuit filed by the organization against former Spanish President José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero for money laundering, drug trafficking, and membership in a criminal organization due to his ties with Nicolás Maduro and the Venezuelan regime. After reviewing the document, he concluded that he cannot open a "prospective" investigation into the former Prime Minister's assets without evidence of criminal activity and without the original lawsuit providing "any facts" that could link Zapatero to the alleged crimes. In fact, Piña strongly criticized Hazte Oír: "Personal or popular belief cannot be confused with the existence of facts sufficient to warrant opening a criminal case." He added, "The public significance of lawsuits like this requires the presentation of evidence that goes beyond journalistic reports."

One of the most anticipated witnesses of the week in the Pujol Ferrusola family trial was Esteban Urreiztieta, deputy director ofThe WorldThe newspaper that in July 2014 published the screenshot of the accounts held in Andorra by Marta Ferrusola—the wife of the former president of the Generalitat—and five of her children. He explained that he did not participate in the writing of the article, which was signed by the journalist Fernando Lázaro, who died in June of last year. After prosecutor Fernando Bermejo completely ignored the famous "screenshotThe question posed to him by state attorney José Ignacio Ocio directly asked if former police commissioner José Manuel Villarejo or the "patriotic police"—without explicitly calling them that—were the source and origin of the news. Urreiztieta replied that he did not produce the information: "I know them, and even if I did, I couldn't provide any details," he stated. This is because journalists are protected by professional secrecy and have the right not to reveal their sources when testifying as witnesses in a legal proceeding. However, Esteban Urreiztieta boasted that the "veracity" of the Pujol story, published days later, is "absolutely unquestionable." He also said that after the publication, and within the framework of the judicial investigation, the UDEF—the central unit for economic and fiscal crime—did not ask them for any explanation regarding its content. Who could provide more details about the origin of the information? They will have to testify as witnesses in the coming months.

After eight sessions in San Fernando de Henares, 25 kilometers from Madrid, the trial of the Pujol family resumed this Monday at the National Court headquarters on Génova Street. And it was like going back to school: the defense lawyers had to change buildings to get their robes, the state attorneys didn't know which machine to use. vending They could use it, and the security guard at the entrance had to ask Jordi Pujol Ferrusola if he needed a robe. "We're going around in circles like a hamster," one of the lawyers muttered before the trial began. What's happening in the court sessions? This Monday, one of the issues brought to the table was the Tivissa landfill.

Prosecutor's Office knocks on the door complaint filed by two former employees A lawsuit has been filed against Julio Iglesias—through the international human rights organization Women's Link—for the alleged crimes of human trafficking, sexual assault, harassment, physical abuse, and breach of employment duties. The deputy prosecutor of the National Court, Marta Durántez, aligns herself with the arguments of his defense attorney, José Antonio Choclán, who argued that Spanish courts lack jurisdiction and concluded that it is "not Spain's responsibility" to investigate the events, which occurred in the Dominican Republic and the Bahamas. "There is no reason not to initiate the corresponding criminal proceedings [there]," he argues. In other words, they should have first filed a complaint in the countries where the alleged crimes took place, and if the case had been dismissed there, and a "real impossibility or lack of will" to investigate had been established, they would have had the option of going to Spain to try. The singer's lawyer accused the two victims of filing the complaint in Spain to achieve "greater media impact."

The Spanish National Court has been forced to shelve once again the investigation into the Pegasus spyware used on Spanish President Pedro Sánchez and three ministers due to Israel's lack of cooperation, as the spyware is produced in Israel by the NSO Group. On four occasions—between 2022 and 2025—Judge José Luis Calama requested information from Israel about this company, but the country repeatedly refused to respond, forcing him to "inevitably" postpone the case. In other words, the courts will not be able to determine for now who was behind the spying on the Spanish president. According to the judge, the investigation will remain shelved until information obtained through the "potential and unlikely" execution of the letter rogatory that Israel has "obstructed" allows the investigation to continue. Judge Calama even requested Israel He was able to travel there to question the NSO CEO, but never received a response. "To this day, there has been no acknowledgment or reply to the letters rogatory," he complains. The last reminder was in February 2025, nine months after a diplomatic crisis would erupt between Spain and Israel, and that Pedro Sánchez recognize the state of Palestine.

The commissions Jordi Pujol Ferrusola received for acting as an intermediary in private business deals were the focus of the seventh session of the trial against the family of the former president of the Generalitat (Catalan government). For three hours, five transactions were considered particularly significant. One of the most prominent, which had already surfaced the previous day, was the expansion of a Repsol refinery in Cartagena. Martín Francisco Sicilia, director of the construction division of Técnicas Reunidas—the company that contracted Copisa Proyectos y Mantenimientos Industriales for this project—claimed ignorance of the eldest son's involvement and asserted that "no one external" intervened. Prosecutor Fernando Bermejo asked him if the case involved "private intermediation." "Absolutely not," he replied. Jordi Pujol Ferrusola received €612,000 for this transaction. Cristóbal Martell, the eldest son's lawyer, attempted to discredit his claim of ignorance. "Do you have any evidence to suggest that, prior to initiating these proceedings, Repsol couldn't have informed someone, who in turn informed Copisa, that Repsol would expand the refinery?" he asked. "Don't you have any evidence to suggest that this wasn't leaked and eventually became known to Copisa?" he insisted. And Martín Francisco Sicilia replied that it was "obvious" and that "everyone knew it."

The trial of the Pujol family is progressing well. In two hours on Tuesday, seven witnesses testified, shedding light on the commissions Jordi Pujol Ferrusola received for brokering private acquisitions of Copisa—a company chaired by Josep Cornadó, who is on trial for money laundering and document forgery. According to Judge José de la Mata's investigation, a total of €2.9 million in commissions was paid to the eldest son of the former president of the Generalitat (Catalan government). One of the most noteworthy testimonies came from Orlando de Porrata-Doria, Copisa's CEO, who spoke about the expansion of Repsol's Cartagena refinery: the eldest son received €612,000 in three invoices for informing them about this business opportunity. There was no contract. "They pay €199,000 in fees for a phone call?" remarked prosecutor Fernando Bermejo, referring to the first of the three invoices. "We're talking about a contract worth almost 36 million euros," said De Porrata-Doria. And, just like Jordi Puig did this on Monday —the brother of former regional minister Felip Puig—, has acknowledged that there is no document to prove it: "Jordi Pujol Ferrusola regularly worked with other sections of our group and was a trusted person. Therefore, there was no contract involved," he explained.

The trial of the Pujol Ferrusola family has resumed at the National Court, far from the media spotlight. Without photographers and with only seven journalists following the proceedings from San Fernando de Henares, five witnesses testified remotely, though the connection wasn't always easy to understand. Only two of the defendants were present in person: Jordi Pujol Ferrusola and businessman Francesc Robert Ribes. The star witnesses were Joan Anton Sánchez Carreté, the family's tax advisor, who recounted what happened behind the scenes after July 7th. The World He published a screenshot with the Pujol family's bank information in Andorra; and the brother of former minister Felip Puig, Jordi Puig, admitted that there was no "formal contract" that proved what his company billed to a company owned by the eldest son and Mercè Gironès.