Sánchez dominates emergency crises

MadridThe abilities that Pedro Sánchez's government has to take economic and political measures without the Parliament's consent in emergency cases have now been added, out of necessity, the ability to save in extremis, with similar agility, episodes of internal dissent. The last Council of Ministers has been one of the most memorable of this legislature, due to the curious situation caused by the prior negotiation between the socialist majority of the executive and the minority of Sumar. The formation of Vice-President Yolanda Díaz needed to include its own proposals in the package of aid measures for the sectors most affected by the consequences of the war in Iran. From an ideological perspective, it is logical that Sumar insisted on leaving its mark on the drafting of decisions of this type. But it makes little sense to turn the prologue of a Council of Ministers into an episode that the President of the Spanish Government, Pedro Sánchez, described as "salseig" (gossip), whether as a dance or as a spicy substance in certain dishes. The Solomon-like solution found —approving two decrees instead of one— served to unblock a situation that was more showy than serious.

Sumar wanted a decree freezing rents, and it got it. But probably that's where it will end, a demonstration of will, with little or no practical effect. The reason is that the government does not have a parliamentary majority to get a measure of this type ratified by Congress. Therefore, the leadership of Sumar will be able to keep repeating in the coming months that its ministers tried, but could do no more than force the approval of its own decree, separate from the broad text regarding aid to specific sectors of the productive system, proposed by the socialists. I am not saying that Sumar exceeded its claims, but rather that the negotiation model followed makes more noise than profit. The fact is that everyone was aware of this circumstance, and that is why two decrees were approved.

What it was about, in essence, was for Sumar to settle for playing a rather testimonial role, while the socialist majority in the government managed to push through the package that has its approval practically assured in Congress. However, this circumstance gives rise to another type of observation, as it allows us to see that the government is sustained by an imperfect coalition formula —capable of temporarily jeopardizing aid to critical sectors in the face of rising energy prices—, while in Congress another type of majority operates, a kind of revolving door with free entry and exit. This novelty of physics and parliamentary furniture is what the heterogeneous front composed of the PP, Vox, and Junts has brought, a formula that is unimaginable to build, but which has already proven to work to raise obstacles for the left and its anti-crisis social policies. How far away are the days when a government was the reflection of a clear parliamentary majority, on which it could rely to at least approve the initial consideration of its projects.

The former Prime Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo used to joke about the PSOE, saying it was a "hesitant roller," due to its changes in opinion and strategy, especially regarding remaining in or leaving NATO. And he said this at a time when the socialists had as many as 202 deputies, a brutally absolute majority of the 350 that make up the lower house. Now, in Congress, we have all sorts of hesitant rollers, and some days, as we have just seen, the same phenomenon is reproduced within the coalition government. The supposed end of bipartisanship has brought about these kinds of phenomena, and it demands greater mental agility from everyone to understand the measures being taken and, at the same time, how what is discussed —and hopefully approved— in the Council of Ministers is presented and sold.

A master of political prestidigitation

However, once the difficulties have been described, it must be admitted that Pedro Sánchez is a master of political prestidigitation. If Yolanda Díaz needs a decree on rents, he will grant it to her, even if it is in the form of damp paper, if not wet. The most important thing for both branches of the coalition government is that the common trunk does not break. Perhaps it will have to happen at some point before the next general elections, but not now, in no way. The most important thing for Sánchez was to act quickly and ensure that the measures that matter to him could pass Congress's filter. And for that, no risks could be taken. A single decree would have fallen, as happened with the one that included the increase in pensions mixed with other unrelated matters. It was necessary to recompose the text of the proposal and avoid indigestible mixtures to obtain the PP's vote, among others.

This brings us to the role of the PP in the context of the evolution of the war in Iran and its extension to other Middle Eastern countries. Sánchez once again appears here as the beneficiary of his fondness for taking risks. In the first days of his revolt against Trump, it seemed that perhaps he had rushed, with the danger of being left alone, or poorly accompanied. The evolution of events has meant that Europe has at least taken clear distances from Washington and Tel Aviv, not only to assert international legality, but above all once the economic turbulences that are already becoming apparent have been noted.

In this situation, it is logical that the government tries to attract the votes of the opposition, and that the right finds it difficult to reiterate the value of a negative response as an inalienable principle. In other words, the PP would have a very difficult time not supporting the first decree approved by the government, which carries the bulk of the anti-crisis measures for the war. The same can be said for Junts. On the other hand, what Vox can do is less relevant. Abascal's party needs a certain prudence, if it knows how to interpret the recent electoral results. Vox has grown to be tested, not with a vote of confidence of free disposal. The use the opposition made of the pandemic, flooding the best streets of the Salamanca neighborhood with the sound of pots and pans, is not indicated in this case. In fact, not in that one either.