Rohilat Afrin, cap de les YPJ: "Our existence challenges the ideology of the Islamic State, which says that war is masculine and sacred."

Al-Hasakah (Syrian Kurdistan)On January 29, the Syrian government announced a comprehensive agreement with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) This represents a major blow to the autonomy the Kurds had maintained in the east of the country with US support, under the guise of the war against the Islamic State. Rohilat Afrin, commander of the Women's Protection Units (YPJ) and a member of the Syrian Democratic Forces' general command, describes a negotiation process marked by tension, mistrust, and pressure on the ground.

On January 18, there was an important meeting in Erbil [in Iraqi Kurdistan] between the SDF and the Syrian government. What happened?

— When we arrived in Irbil, even before we sat down to eat, we were informed that clashes had begun The fighting at Deir Hafir and Maskanah, in eastern Aleppo, between our forces and those of the Syrian government, completely defined the atmosphere of the meeting. We had reached an agreement: our forces would withdraw, and theirs would then enter. But that timeline was not respected. The fighting began before the agreed-upon process was completed. This means we were negotiating while, at the same time, there was crossfire on the ground. There can be no talk of genuine dialogue under these conditions. The tension was palpable. When we left the meeting, the military situation had deteriorated even further, and the points discussed had been practically rendered meaningless by events.

And what happened the next day in Damascus?

— On January 19th, in Damascus, we were told that what had been discussed had to take effect immediately. There was no time to consult with our society or to calmly explain the terms. The pressure was clear: either we accepted, or there would be war. Faced with this dilemma, we responded that we could not betray our people. We could not accept an imposition under threat. At that moment, we decided to declare war, and general mobilization was already underway in Rojava. If we had said yes under pressure that day, we probably wouldn't be speaking in these terms today.

After these episodes and days of conflict, what does the agreement of January 29 represent?

— The agreement is the result of a very tense situation. It is not an ideal agreement, but it is better than previous scenarios. It has opened a space for formal negotiation that did not previously exist under these conditions. Concrete steps have been taken: repositioning of forces, limited entry of government troops into Qamishli and Al-Hasakah—Al-Hasakah being the only province still under SDF control—and the nomination of candidates for administrative positions. These are the pillars of the agreement. But its implementation is uneven. Not all decisions have been officially confirmed. And the international guarantors are monitoring, but not guaranteeing. This leaves the agreement vulnerable.

Can we say that the siege of Kobane is over?

— One of the objectives included was to put an end on the Kobane siteBut in practice, the situation has not been completely resolved. This contradiction between what is agreed upon and what is actually implemented is what generates distrust.

Where does the integration of the YPJ and YPG stand?Popular Protection Units] in the Syrian army?

— Effective integration has not yet been achieved. There are discussions and proposals, but no defined structure. The main problem is that the Syrian army does not provide real spaces for female units with their own identity. We cannot dissolve thirteen years of experience into a structure that does not recognize our specific characteristics. Let's not even talk about numbers. Even if there were only a small female brigade, it would be essential to maintain the political and symbolic continuity of the YPJ. Integration is a new experience for both sides. It is not just a technical process; it is a structural transformation.

Why is it so important to preserve the identity of the YPJ?

— Because the YPJ are not just an armed force. They represent social change. When we started, there were twenty men for every three women in the academies. Over time, the female presence has expanded. We cannot forget our fight against the Islamic State as part of the International Coalition. That history has given us legitimacy and also responsibility.

Is there a real risk that the Islamic State will reorganize?

— Yes. The political and security vacuum makes it easier for their cells to reorganize. Even though they don't control territory, they remain active. We are particularly concerned about the situation in the prisons that have come under government control and the Al Hawl camp. The movement of family members and former members could create new networks. A resurgence wouldn't just be a problem for us, but for the entire region and beyond.

Why is the violence against female combatants so brutal?

— Because our existence challenges their ideology. According to their view, war is masculine and sacred. Women have no place in it. The humiliation of bodies, throwing them from the tops of buildings, cutting off braids, are acts laden with symbolism. They are not random acts; they are messages of revenge. When we have asked for explanations, the responses reveal a mentality that wants to punish women for having broken an imposed order.

Is there a real conflict between Kurds and Arabs?

— There is propaganda that tries to create this perception. In Raqqa, there were tensions with some tribes, but this cannot be generalized. Coexistence has been possible for years in the Autonomous Administration [of North and East Syria]. The problem is the intervention of external actors with their own interests. The civilian population, both Kurdish and Arab, pays the price for this instability.

Do they feel betrayed by the United States?

— We have not received clear guarantees from them. There have been positions taken that have favored one side. However, there have also been voices in the US Congress that have denounced crimes against our people and criticized certain diplomatic policies. International politics is driven by interests. We have learned that our greatest strength lies in our society.

What future do you see for Rojava?

— It's a difficult stage, but not necessarily the end. It could be the beginning of a new phase. For over thirteen years, we've built structures of self-governance and defense without direct external support. That experience doesn't disappear easily.

What role will women play in the reconstruction?

— Central. They have been on the front lines, but also in social organization, education, and administration. When a girl raises the symbol of victory today, she does so consciously. This indicates that the cultural shift is profound. Governments and borders may change, but the social transformation that has begun is very difficult to erase.