Israel has taken an unprecedented step in its institutional history. The government has announced that it will not obey a Supreme Court ruling that allows the Council of the Second Authority for Television and Radio, the regulatory body for private television and radio channels, to resume its activity. A decision that has reopened the tug-of-war between the executive and the judiciary with only a few months left until the elections in which Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is playing for his future.

A week ago in Washington there were smiles, handshakes and an agreement presented as the beginning of the end of the war between Israel and Lebanon. However, the situation on the ground has barely changed. Israeli soldiers remain deployed in parts of southern Lebanon and thousands of residents are still displaced, waiting to return to their war-torn villages. The document, presented by the United States as the first step to stabilize the border and restore the authority of the Lebanese state, leaves the most important question unanswered: when will the Israeli occupation really end?

While the United States tried to keep the diplomatic channel with Iran open, Israel would have considered assassinating the two main Iranian negotiators: Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf. This is revealed by The New York Times, which cites US officials according to whom Washington feared during April and May that any attack against these leaders would blow up negotiations that were advancing with extreme fragility.Araghchi and Ghalibaf are central figures in the talks between the United States and Iran to consolidate the ceasefire, guarantee the security of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, and open the door to future negotiations on Iran's nuclear program.Already in March, the American newspaper The Wall Street Journal reported that Araghchi and Ghalibaf were on a list of Israeli targets, although they would have been removed when Washington began to explore a diplomatic exit with Tehran. In the same vein, an American official cited by the New York Times assured that the Trump administration knew that, at least in Ghalibaf's case, Israel considered him a potential target and explicitly asked the Israeli government not to act against him.Washington's concern reached the point that the White House reportedly asked several countries in the region to warn Tehran of the risk that its negotiators could become Israeli targets.Tension became palpable in April, when Ghalibaf was due to travel to Islamabad to meet with the Vice President of the United States, J.D. Vance. Iranian authorities feared that Israel would take advantage of the trip to assassinate him and, for this reason, the Iranian delegation was escorted by Pakistani fighter jets both on the outward and return journeys. Despite these measures, two sources cited by the New York Times assure that, during the return flight to Tehran, Iranian intelligence services alerted that two Israeli fighter jets had penetrated Iran's airspace. Faced with the threat, the plane carrying Ghalibaf made an emergency landing and the delegation completed the last eight hours of the journey by road.Israel does not want the agreement

In recent months, the United States has held indirect talks to reach a negotiated exit to the conflict, but Israel continues to show deep skepticism towards any agreement with Iran. The most critical sectors consider that no deal will be sufficient if it does not also limit Iran's ballistic missile program and Tehran's network of allies.In this climate of mistrust, Ghalibaf warned this Thursday that Iran will respond “proportionately” if the United States and Israel fail to comply with the memorandum of understanding reached last month. His statements coincide with the preparations for the funeral of the supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, who died in an Israeli attack on the first day of the war, February 28. The commemorative events will begin this Saturday and will last until July 9, and between 15 and 20 million people are expected to attend.

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Among the reasons for President Donald Trump to offer a memorandum of understanding to the Shiite Totalitarian Theocracy of Iran (STTI) were: saving the Soccer World Cup in the United States (he did not want to disturb this great business with the sound of missiles), lowering fuel prices before the November mid-term elections, and finding a dignified way out of the quagmireof the Persian Gulf after failing to overthrow the regime as an electoral asset.

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While everyone is focused on Iran, Israel, and Lebanon, the Gaza Strip is experiencing the worst moment in its history. The ceasefire of October 10, 2025, is only being implemented by Palestinian militias, as Israel continues to kill civilians and bomb at a rapid pace.

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The United Nations presented a report this Tuesday accusing Israel of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in Gaza for shooting children in the Strip with the intent to kill. Srinivasan Muralidhar, the president of the UN's International Independent Commission of Inquiry for the Palestinian Territories – the body responsible for the report – stated at a press conference that children are being killed "mainly in two ways": through aerial attacks with high-explosive ordnance with a wide radius of impact, or by the use of quadcopters, drones, and snipers "who specifically aim at the head and upper body to kill them".The report assures that it has enough evidence to state that “Israel attacks children to weaken demographic vitality and deny the Palestinian people the right to self-determination”, in the words of the president. Furthermore, Muralidhar has denounced that since October 2023, more than 20,000 children have been murdered in Gaza, in addition to the 44,000 who have been injured and the 58,000 who have been orphaned.The text also points out that Palestinian children, especially adolescents, are “detained, tortured, and mistreated in Israeli prisons and detention centers” and that cases of sexual violence against minors have been documented. On the other hand, it denounces that Israeli attacks against pediatric hospitals have “systematically deprived children of access to vital care,” and also notes the use of starvation as a method of warfare.Furthermore, the Indian jurist recalled that 97% of schools in the Strip have been destroyed, and alleged that Israeli authorities have “systematically disrupted children's ability to learn, sabotaging the intellectual and social foundations of Palestinian society”. On the other hand, Muralidhar reminded the UN member states that they have different options to hold Israel accountable: “they can exercise universal jurisdiction in their national courts, and we have asked them to arrest any Israeli official against whom the International Criminal Court has issued an arrest warrant”. He also reiterated the call to stop sending weapons to Israel.This Tuesday's is the second report accusing Israel of genocide, published by a Commission that does not officially represent the UN. Last September, a first report indicated that there are sufficient grounds to state that Israel has committed four of the five genocide crimes defined in the Geneva Convention of 1948.The Israeli Foreign Minister, Gideon Sa'ar, has declared that he "categorically" rejects the report's conclusions and has called it a "defamatory farce" and "as scandalous a piece of propaganda as the previous ones." Since October 7, 2023, at least 73,305 Palestinians have died due to Israel's attacks in Gaza, according to the Strip's Ministry of Health.

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The “memorandum of understanding” that extends the ceasefire between Iran and the United States and that is intended to allow progress towards a peace agreement is so fragile that all parties involved have intensified diplomatic moves to try to consolidate the foundations and prevent everything from exploding just days after its announcement. This Tuesday there are several parallel meetings in different parts of the world, all with the same objective on the table: to guarantee the mechanisms to try to maintain peace in the region. Iran's chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, and the Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi, have met in Oman with Sultan Haitham bin Tariq al-Said. Iran's President, Masoud Pezeshkian, has traveled to Pakistan, a mediating country, and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has planned meetings with leaders from Bahrain, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates. In addition, in Washington today, talks between Israel and Lebanon resume, as always, without the presence of Hezbollah.

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The first round of negotiations between the United States and Iran in Switzerland has ended with "significant progress" to end the war in Lebanon, according to Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, who thanked the "tireless mediation of Pakistan and Qatar" in a social media message. The two countries have agreed to create a committee to promote a roadmap that will allow them to reach a final agreement to end the conflict within 60 days.

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Where for decades the commercial life of southern Lebanon was concentrated, today tons of concrete, twisted beams and gaping facades accumulate. The arches that survived the bombings rise over empty shops, broken shop windows and streets where it is difficult to recognize where one business began and the next ended. Several mosques and husseiniyas, the religious buildings of the Shiites, still show the wounds of the attacks. In some streets in the center, the silence is only broken by the noise of machinery removing rubble.

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Iran announced this Saturday the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which occurs, according to the country's most important military command, due to "the clear violation by the United States of the first clause of the Memorandum of Understanding" and "in response to the continuous and persistent ceasefire violations by the Zionist regime in southern Lebanon". The agreement signed this week between Washington and Tehran establishes, textually, the "immediate and permanent cessation of military operations on all fronts, including Lebanon"establishes, textually, the "immediate and permanent cessation of military operations on all fronts, including Lebanon".

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US Vice President J.D. Vance said this week that after the midterm elections in November he will announce whether or not he will run in the next presidential elections. This would be very bad for Israel, especially after the unprecedented public comments he made on Thursday against the entire government of Benjamin Netanyahu, calling it "unacceptable" that Israel, in its bombings of Beirut, kills "people who have nothing to do with Hezbollah".

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After hours of Israeli bombings this Friday over southern Lebanon and the Baalbek region, which left at least 47 dead and 97 injured, according to the Lebanese Ministry of Health, the United States announced that Israel and Hezbollah have accepted a new truce negotiated with the mediation of Qatar and Iran. However, even after the agreement came into effect, Israeli attacks continued to be registered around Nabatieh, while Hezbollah claimed to have begun to respect the cessation of hostilities from the moment the agreement with Tel Aviv was announced.

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This Tuesday's statements from Tehran and Washington show that the battle to interpret the agreement between the United States and Iran has only just begun. While the official signing of the memorandum of understanding remains scheduled for next Friday in Geneva, the Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Abbas Araghchi, has increased pressure on Israel by stating that the end of the war in Lebanon constitutes an inseparable condition for the end of the conflict with Iran.

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The memorandum that the United States and Iran have virtually signed and plan to formalize this Friday in Switzerland is presented as an attempt to extinguish several fires simultaneously in the Middle East. It is not a definitive treaty, but a framework of understanding that opens sixty days of negotiation and seeks, above all, to avoid a new regional escalation.

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Israel finds itself in a very complicated moment, perhaps the most difficult in the history of the country, founded in 1948. At the helm we have Benjamin Netanyahu, a controversial prime minister not only because of the situation derived from the war with Iran and its uncertain consequences, but also because of the deep religious, social and political division that shakes Israel.

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After decades of conflicts, interventions and containment policies, Israel is militarily safer today than many of its neighbours, but the region is more unstable than ever. In southern Lebanon, Israeli bombings continue despite the ceasefire announced in April under American mediation. On the ground, the agreement has not led to a stable situation. The Israeli army continues to carry out operations in border areas, while the Lebanese government denounces repeated attacks, destruction of homes and the blocking of the return of displaced persons. Lebanese authorities speak of thousands of incidents since the truce came into force.

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The motivations that could support a negotiation between the United States, Israel, and Iran are blocked by a profoundly asymmetric structural dynamic: Israel acts out of existential hatred towards Iran, while the United States lacks strategic vision and allows itself to be dragged along by its ally without defining its own objectives. Instead of the international community creating frameworks that incentivize negotiation, Washington ends up legitimizing Israeli military objectives without having made them its own, ceding its autonomy to Tel Aviv's emotional urgency. The need for security is subordinated to the Israeli logic of eliminating the adversary. The United States, without an articulated doctrine, does not lead but accompanies, becoming complicit in an escalation whose consequences it has not rigorously calculated. This absence of a possible area of agreement is in itself an indicator that neither side has made the necessary mental transition from the logic of military victory to the logic of political compromise.

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In the Mahane Yehuda market, Jerusalem smells of coffee and freshly baked bread. Vendors shout offers from behind piles of shining fruit, some tourists stop to take photos in front of the sweet stalls, and young people dodge the crowds with headphones. At first glance, nothing seems very different. But the city has long learned to seem normal even when it is not.The war against Iran, which began in February and was followed by a ceasefire as fragile as it was unpredictable, has left a lasting mark. Since the beginning of the truce, on April 8, the country has experienced days of relative calm, but also the threat of a resurgence of attacks, which materialized this weekend with the return of Iranian bombs on Israeli territory. For now, relative calm has returned, but no one knows what to think anymore. Israel is not in an open war with Iran, but neither is it at peace. This, on the street, translates into one word: weariness.“I was one of those who considered victory a given from day one,” says Eitan, as he tries to sell some souvenirs to the few tourists who are timidly returning to Jerusalem. “At first, we all said this would end quickly, that Israel would show its strength. Now we only talk about how much longer this will all last.” The conflict, he says, “no longer surprises anyone.”The change in mood is also visible in the data. Recent polls show a society that continues to support confrontation with Iran, but is increasingly less convinced of the outcome of the war. According to the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), one of Israel's leading security and strategy research centers, only 41% of Israelis today believe that Israel has won or will eventually win, while nearly half consider that the country is trapped in a stalemate with no clear end.In March, during the full-scale military operation "Roaring Lion", Jewish support for the war exceeded 90%, while among the Arab Israeli population it was around 25%. Furthermore, three-quarters of Israeli Jews stated they trusted Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to lead the offensive. Three months later, confidence in the government has eroded. Now, according to the INSS, only between 25% and 30% of Israelis fully trust the government.In a cafe on a side street off the market, Ayala stirs his coffee without completely taking his eyes off a screen displaying new reports about the attacks in the north of the country. “It’s not peace,” he says. “It’s just a pause between things that aren’t over yet.”The sentence summarizes the general feeling quite well. While the front with Iran remains frozen, tension with Hezbollah in Lebanon has intensified again. In this context, almost six out of ten Israelis continue to be in favor of further hardening the fighting in the north, and a majority support establishing a permanent security zone within Lebanese territory. “Israel must continue to change the region,” says his partner, Yosef. “This is an existential war and Israel’s enemies are receiving the strongest blows in decades, even if many here don’t want to see it.” There is an idea that has never stopped being present among broad sectors of Israeli society: Iran and its allies represent a direct threat to the country’s survival. This is one of the main reasons why support for the war remains relatively stable, even after weeks of missiles, air raid shelters, and constant mobilizations."The one who really rules is Trump"

But precisely because fear remains so present, many Israelis expected the results against Iran to be more decisive. And this has ended up fueling criticism of the Israeli prime minister, both from the opposition and from some sectors of the nationalist right. Military analysts and veteran commentators also openly question the objectives achieved and, above all, the growing dependence on Washington.The perception that Israel has been conditioned by the United States appears again and again in conversations. “Who really is in charge here is Trump,” says one of the few shopkeepers in East Jerusalem, the majority Arab part of the city, who have opened during the festival of Eid al-Adha Mubarak – one of the great festivals of the Muslim calendar, in which families gather and the sacrifice of Abraham is remembered –.According to the Israel Democracy Institute, one of the main centers for public opinion analysis in Israel, 51% of Israelis believe that the Trump administration today has more influence over the country's defense decisions than the Israeli government. It is curious, however, that from Washington the population is beginning to think differently: they feel that Netanyahu has embarrassed Trump, especially this past weekend.Three months later, the underlying feeling is that the decisive offensive against Iran, whose main objectives were the destruction of the Iranian nuclear and ballistic program and the fall of the ayatollah regime, has, for the moment, yielded partial results. Israel has struck Iranian military infrastructure and weakened part of the so-called "axis of resistance" led by Tehran, but neither the regime has fallen nor has the sense of threat disappeared.

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The decision to start a war with Iran, led by Israel on February 28, is proving to be a real trap for Donald Trump, who more than 100 days later has still not found a way out. Far from the speed and military success of the kidnapping of Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela, the ayatollahs' regime has proven to be a much more formidable adversary, capable of regenerating itself from the blows it has received.

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“You are crazy”, “if it weren’t for me, you would be in prison”, “everyone hates you”. These were some of the words that the President of the United States, Donald Trump, addressed to the Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, last week. He told them directly in a phone call, and then he himself confirmed it to the media.

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