BarcelonaOne of the most surprising things at the beginning of the DANA crisis was the Socialist Party's lack of emphasis on demanding Carlos Mazón's resignation as President of the Generalitat, in contrast, for example, to the fiery speeches of Joan Baldoví of Compromís. A year later, the Socialist strategy is becoming clearer: Mazón was a lead weight on Alberto Núñez Feijóo's wings, and they simply had to wait for the truth to emerge. Feijóo, on the other hand, made the opposite calculation. He thought that if the focus was on reconstruction, he could save Mazón and share the blame with the Spanish government. For Feijóo, always averse to taking drastic measures, doing nothing was the best option. And they just had to wait for time to calm everything down.
But lo and behold, first, the Catarroja judge's ruling and, second, the first anniversary of the DANA storm have blown everything up. What Feijóo witnessed this Wednesday was Mazón's political death live on air. No political leader can survive such a public humiliation broadcast live across the country. Especially when the conservative Madrid media—newspapers and television channels alike, which are the ones most consumed by Popular Party voters—have long since condemned Mazón.
The dilemma for Feijóo is now terrible, because the cost of making the Valencian president back down now is infinitely higher than a year ago, when he could have resolved it with a quick negotiation with Santiago Abascal, and could then have directed his criticism exclusively toward the Spanish government.
Politically, Isabel Díaz Ayuso's absence from the tribute is very significant. The Madrid president has enough instinct to know that a photo with Mazón is electoral kryptonite. And she preferred to let Feijóo be tainted while she washed her hands and remained unscathed.
Vilaplana's turn
Maribel Vilaplana's testimony on Monday could be the final nail in Mazón's coffin. Any detail that points to negligence will be fatal. And then the problem will no longer be just Mazón's; all eyes will turn to Feijóo. The disproportion between 229 deaths due to mismanagement and the alleged corruption cases affecting the PSOE is so great that the Galician leader has no way out. At every appearance, he will be questioned about Mazón, and by the same media outlets that are friendly to him. And the resulting portrait will be that of a leader who isn't one, who avoids conflict, and who is incapable of making heads roll when necessary.
The excuse Genoa has given so far is that the PP doesn't have a majority in the Valencian Parliament and needs Vox's votes. And it's true. Perhaps Feijóo doesn't have the power to replace the Valencian president on his own, but he can force Mazón to resign and call elections. And if he rebels, he can always expel him from the party and force the deputies to choose between Mazón and the PP. But, of course, all these decisions imply conflict and an uncertain outcome. But conflict will be inevitable sooner or later. And the later it is, the greater it will be.
Núñez Feijóo would like to wake up one day and find that Mazón's ghost has vanished as if by magic. But this won't happen without him doing anything. And Sánchez, who has diminished his stature, knew from the beginning that Feijóo wouldn't do anything. And that's why he just had to wait.
