Three names in a spy and corruption plot

MadridThe most sordid week in Spanish politics is still in its infancy, with the spectacle that Leire Díez, Javier Pérez Dolset, and Víctor de Aldama staged on Wednesday in a Madrid hotel. Three figures who were virtually unknown until recently.

They say in the PSOE (Socialist Workers' Party) of Cantabria that they always had trouble filling the electoral list for Vega de Pas, in Cantabria, because it's a very conservative town. In 2011, a Biscayan activist, Leire Díez (Portugalete, 1975), volunteered. She had bought a cabin in 2005 to spend her weekends there. As a councilor, she made a pact with the PP (People's Party) to oust the previous mayor. Two and a half years later, the Popular Party mayor, Juan Carlos García Diego, expelled the Socialist deputy mayors from the government because they wanted to collect salaries and allowances and found out they were recording conversations.

Now Díez is also involved in recordings and doing favors for the PP, even if unwittingly. And she's "more of a socialist than a journalist," García Diego said a few days ago in an interview on Antena 3. People who have known her in the Socialist ranks agree: "She's the typical activist." hooligan who went to all the events and took photographs with all the leaders and sent them direct messages on Twitter." Ferraz is described as a "geek." Despite being the leader of the PSOE in Vega de Pas because she was "the first one who went there," between 2015 and 2017 she worked in the party's Communications department in Sándach. the 2017 primaries. In 2014, however, she had supported Edu Madina.

In Cantabria, it's surprising that Díez held positions in public companies such as Enusa—she was director of communications between 2018 and 2021—and Correos—she was director of institutional relations and philately. Some sources suggest that she joined the nuclear fuel company thanks to Cristina Narbona—former minister and now president of the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party)—and she herself has explained that to join Correos, she contacted the then president, Juan Manuel Serrano, Sánchez's former chief of staff. Now, she claims she wants to write a book about sewers, but everyone questions her and asks if it has a title, with which publisher, when it will be published, and what she works on. She asserts that she makes communication plans for SMEs that she doesn't want to reveal. Generally, there is mistrust. In fact, regarding the promises to businessman Alejandro Hamlyn of being able to negotiate with the Prosecutor's Office in exchange for information about members of the UCO (Union of the Autonomous University of Cantabria), she said: "I jumped." lanterns as if to illuminate a journey."

Whoever has closely followed the tour Leire Díez's media presence in recent days, you will have noticed that she has not given interviews to Antena 3 or La Sexta, two channels of the Atresmedia group. The reason is the confrontation between Javier Pérez Dolset (Jaén, 1969), the collaborator of the former PSOE member who on Wednesday confronted the broker Víctor de Aldama when he went to pursue her in a hotel in Madrid. Pérez Dolset considers himself a victim of the state's sewers because he maintains that behind his indictment for the bankruptcy of his technology company, Zed Worldwide, and an alleged diversion of 100 million euros abroad, there is a plot by José Creuheras, president of Planeta –Atresmedia's largest shareholder–, along with former commissioner José Manuel Villarejo and the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office.

In 2017, he was arrested and imprisoned, paying a €60,000 bail to be released. Since then, his mission has been to expose the maneuvers of the state's sewers, which, he believes, continue to operate, albeit with new protagonists. Pérez Dolset also accompanied Díez at the meeting a few months ago with an accused businessman in which they asked him for dirt on the head of economic crime at the UCO.

Until now, Pérez Dolset carried out this task with a relative anonymity—journalists knew about it, but not the general public—and in collaboration with other victims of the dirty war, such as former Barça president Sandro Rosell, who spent two years in pretrial detention for a case in which he was ultimately acquitted of irregularities by Villarejo. However, his surnames should not be so unknown: in 1998 he triumphed with Command, a video game that was a best-seller in dozens of countries and led to the expansion of their companies. Their business evolved and, among other things, they developed a software to carry out political advocacy on social media platforms that were purchased by both the PP and PSOE, using algorithms created in Russia. Pérez Dolset alleged that a Russian shareholder in his business group financially stifled Zed, in collusion with Planeta, to acquire it at a low price, but the National Court dismissed the case.

The last time the media captured Víctor de Aldama (Madrid, 1975) he was in Ibiza, in mid-May, on a luxury holiday. Until Wednesday he appeared on confront Leire Díez, whom he himself has acknowledged stopping a trap: he made an agreement with Alejandro Hamlyn to record her looking for dirty laundry from his adversaries and then leak it to the media. At the beginning of the year, the broker in the Koldo case already warned that Díez and Pérez Dolset were contacting businessmen accused of fraud in the hydrocarbon sector to blackmail them.

This businessman is operating from the sewers now that he faces imprisonment and multi-million-dollar fines for his corruption. Until he came into contact with Koldo García, the former advisor to José Luis Ábalos, he had moved through the business world with ease: he had multiple companies, diplomatic contacts in Mexico and Venezuela, and was honorary consul of Georgia in Zamora, the town whose football club he presided over.

He has fallen into disgrace by corrupting administrations governed by the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party) and now wants to drag their leaders into the fold. He claims that audio recordings will emerge implicating the director of the Civil Guard in the Leire Díez case, and in his court statements, he has revealed that ministers and Socialist leaders, such as Santos Cerdán, have received illegal commissions. So far, he has been able to prove nothing; only the apartment for Ábalos's ex-partner, which was financed with money from the mask scheme. Aldama set the stage for the whole world following a strange pact with the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office: she agreed to get him out of prison for the hydrocarbons case in exchange for confessing about the Koldo case in the National Court.

Weeks later, he made new accusations when he appeared before the Supreme Court, where He was accompanied by the leader of Desokupa, Daniel Estevand, an inspiration for the threatening irruption on Wednesday at Díez's appearance at a Madrid hotel.