The cabinet becomes a factory of electoral brands

BarcelonaThe PSOE has redefined its electoral strategy, turning the cabinet into its main pool of regional candidates. From Pilar Alegría, former Minister of Education and former spokesperson for the Spanish government, in Aragon, to María Jesús Montero, Vice President of the government, in Andalusia, and including Diana Morant, Minister of Science, Innovation and Universities, in the Valencian Community, and Óscar López, Minister for Digital Transformation and the "ministerial function," this is the recipe for trying to shake up the political landscape.

Political parties are seeking familiar images that resonate with people in a context where "what predominates is the level of awareness," says Ricard Vilaregut, professor of political science at the Autonomous University of Barcelona, ​​in an interview with ARA. "The adjective takes precedence over the noun. This has been the current paradigm for the last 10 or 15 years." In this paradigm, the substance of the political project takes a backseat, as the objective is impact: "Communicate anything, it doesn't matter." The priority, he asserts, is no longer governance, but notoriety, because "what predominates is people's level of awareness. Whether they do it well or badly, it makes no difference."

Darren Lilleker and Daniel Jackson, professors at Bournemouth University, in their work on the permanent campaign, warn of a scenario in which marketing has colonized ideology. The candidate is a brand. We no longer buy programs, but rather visual identities in a saturated marketplace where the face is the only selling point for surviving in the attention market. Thus, the president of the Community of Madrid, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, has established herself as a figure with a very high media profile; a brand in herself, above any electoral program.

Gabriel Rufián, the ERC spokesperson in Congress, is another example. In recent years, his public profile has given him a notoriety that now allows him to lead the strategy of a left-wing bloc, relying primarily on his own media clout. While not reaching the popularity levels of his rival in ERC, figures like Miriam Nogueras, the Junts spokesperson in Congress, have also gained media prominence, making it easier for them to secure a place in the electorate's memory. Governments no longer manage policies; they manage their own popularity minute by minute, Lilleker points out.

Difficulties on the right

Vilaregut argues that selecting candidates for political office is a fundamental task for political parties and that, currently, "the right wing has more problems than the left wing" due to the nature of their incentives. While the left wing has an "ideological component of societal transformation" that attracts talent driven by vocation, the right wing, especially the People's Party (PP), finds that its potential candidates often prefer the private sector because "they earn more money," and the ideological incentive is weaker.

In this scenario, the expert highlights Pedro Sánchez's strategic skill, who uses the cabinet as a leadership laboratory: "If they perform well as ministers, they have a platform to move on to regional or municipal governments." This tactic allows him to establish what Vilaregut defines as a professionalization paradigm based on three key pillars: "Loyalty, professionalism, and communication." Thus, Sánchez ensures that the candidate is someone well-known, loyal to the project, and with proven management skills in the public sector.

The evaporation of the effect

This strategy, however, "is a double-edged sword," Marc Sanjaume, a professor of political science at Pompeu Fabra University, told ARA. The practice has drawbacks. "As happened to Pilar Alegría and will likely happen to Montero, these are political figures who have become detached from their local communities," ultimately leading to a disconnect and inconsistency in governance. "Negotiating powers for other regions in Madrid can be disastrous for a candidate's image in their own region." Sanjaume also points out that this approach, which "nationalizes the campaign," overshadows local issues.

Thanks to her time in the Spanish government, Montero will compete against Juanma Moreno Bonilla with an ace up her sleeve: the new financing model she herself designed, with Andalusia as the region that would receive the most money if approved, almost 5 billion euros. This is one of the powers afforded by "the minister effect," although the polls continue to be less than favorable for Sánchez's lieutenants.