MadridThis term will go down in the country's political history as a period filled with paradoxes, possibly as a result of the initial contradiction. It makes perfect sense for the person who can muster a parliamentary majority to govern, but things would have been very different if the PP, as the party with the most votes, had come to power. Feijóo's constant grumbling, since his failure in his investiture debate, has infected everything, especially the judicial world, leading to the progressive deterioration of the conditions under which government action has had to be carried out. It is well known that parallel lines, if they meet anywhere, are in infinity. And so, in parallel, the paths of the partners in the pact to make Pedro Sánchez president have advanced, reaching a point where nothing is predictable. Neither how and when the term will end, nor how and when the judicial proceedings that keep the PSOE on hold will reach their deadline.
The most important decision the Socialist leader must make in the coming months is when he finally closes the door and calls elections. We will once again feel that these are the most important elections of the century, or even of Spain's modern democratic era, and in a certain sense, those who say so will be right. If the polls are correct and it's true that Vox has been steadily gaining ground on the PP since the DANA tragedy—which is about to mark a year—the far right's access to government responsibilities could be imminent. And this would be a substantial change in our experience of democratic life. Vox's rhetoric in all areas of domestic politics, let alone in relation to international politics, would imply radical changes of scenery. The PP would probably have to make many concessions, and the country would enter a period filled with uncertainty and tension. The real change, according to these polling forecasts, wouldn't be for the Popular Party to govern, but for them to have to govern while Vox is in a tight rein. The PP's experience with this type of coalition at the municipal and regional levels hasn't been positive.
Pressure from Vox
I link this reflection to the role played by Vox in the deterioration of institutions. While it had more than fifty deputies—the minimum number required to go to the Constitutional Court—Abascal's party challenged virtually every law it had been unable to stop in Congress. And its greatest victory was achieving the annulment of the state of emergency decrees, in a ruling in which the previous conservative majority on the court ruled that a state of emergency should have been declared to address the pandemic. What happened with the legal instrument to address the health emergency gives an idea of the capacity for twisting the actions of the right, especially Vox, in its initiatives in the courts.
There are many more examples of this type, such as everything related to the Process. Even if Feijóo had wanted to attempt a serious approach to Junts to facilitate his investiture debate, he would have found himself unable to take steps forward due to the existence and pressure of Vox. And this may also happen in the future. The far right has not only influenced the PP's strategy during this term, but has also influenced a broad social space through its influence on all types of conservative, legal, and other specialized organizations. Vox called for 30-year prison sentences in the October 1st case. It opposed the motions to annul the sentence, the pardons, and the amnesty law. And if it hasn't been able to continue its activism in this area, it's because it lacks the deputies to continue filling the Constitutional Court with resources, given that the aforementioned 50 are needed to challenge laws. In this area, it has had to cede the spotlight to the PP, committed to the idea of "repealing Sanchismo."
To achieve this goal, the Popular Party has strained the courts as much as possible. This is one of the causes of the crisis in relations between the executive and judiciary. The case of the Attorney General is resounding, as was the use of the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ) to block him for five years so that he would not lose his conservative majority. But the case of the Attorney General, Álvaro García Ortiz, is fascinating, a work of justice. The Supreme Court has sent him to trial after having prosecuted him with a ruling approved by two votes to one. The dissenting judge, Andrés Palomo, explained the paradox of the decision by saying that "it is not possible to attribute to him with any minimal justification the leak" of which he is accused.
The compensation and the debt to the Tax Agency
As is known, this leak consisted of an email sent to the Prosecutor's Office by the lawyer for the partner of Madrid's president, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, proposing an agreement to acknowledge two tax offenses by his client, businessman Alberto González Amador. This would be the revelation of secrets. The trial has been opened for, "indicatively, having revealed, in his capacity as Attorney General of the State, secrets of which he could have been aware by virtue of his position." García Ortiz is being asked to post a bail of 150,000 euros, while his alleged victim, González Amador, is demanding 300,000 euros in compensation. It is curious how the tables have turned in this matter. One of the paradoxes of the case is that, if Ayuso's partner obtains the conviction they are seeking for the Attorney General, they will almost be able to pay off their debt to the Tax Agency with the money García Ortiz must pay him.
All that said, the Socialists have more reason to be concerned about the seriousness of the new reports expected from the Civil Guard on the actions of the Cerdán-Ábalos-Koldo García family. This issue remains open. The cases of Pedro Sánchez's wife and brother are a different story. Neither would have had to access, as they did, institutions from which, as we have seen, they have had to leave. There will continue to be noise about this, but the most serious aspect is the actions of the commissioners infiltrated in the public administration.
