Spain refuses to provide aid to the US in the war against Iran: it will not use the Rota and Morón bases

MadridPedro Sánchez has set out be the antithesis of Donald TrumpThis also applies to the US attack on Iran. Although the Spanish Prime Minister's office categorically rejects the Iranian regime, it maintains a similarly neutral stance regarding the offensive launched by the Americans in the Middle East, arguing that the Trump administration's disregard for international law cannot be condoned. This position differs from the more moderate view of the European Union as a whole, and especially from that of Germany, the United Kingdom, and France.who have aligned themselves directly with the Americans against Iran. On Monday, Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares was unequivocal, rejecting any military support for the United States: "The US bases in Rota and Morón de la Frontera are not being used, nor will they be used, for anything that is not in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations," he stated on Telecinco. Defense Minister Margarita Robles also reaffirmed this position. The cooperation agreement between the two countries requires Spain's authorization for the United States to operate at the Andalusian bases when the operations fall outside the scope of the agreement signed by both states. The Defense Minister argued that they reject any operations in the current conflict because they consider the US attack on Iran to be outside the protection of international law. Following this rejection, Robles confirmed that the Americans have withdrawn up to fifteen tanker aircraft from the bases: "The US military decides what to do with its tanker aircraft, which have not carried out, nor will they carry out, any maintenance or support operations. That is probably why they have decided to move to other bases." "We are not in a regime like the one in Tehran, but the solution can never be the use of violence, regardless of who is the victim," added Robles, who assured that she is in constant contact with the Spanish military personnel deployed on missions in Iraq, Turkey, and Lebanon.

The People's Party (PP) has seized upon Sánchez's discordant tone with European powers to rub salt in the wound. "Spain must stand unequivocally with liberal democracies," retorted Carmen Fúnez, the PP's Deputy Secretary for Health and Social Policy. "Something is wrong when the enemies of freedom applaud Pedro Sánchez's government." In this vein, she reaffirmed the position of PP leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo and various leaders in the Basque Country: "Maduro, Bildu, Hamas, Houthis, Taliban, and now the ayatollahs," tweeted Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo, the party's deputy spokesperson in Congress. "Is this being on the right side of history?" countered Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar, with whom Spain clashed during the Gaza War.

Albares has been emphatic in his response to those who accuse him of aligning himself with Iran: "We want democracy, freedom, and fundamental rights for Iranians, but I want to be very clear: this military operation is not about democracy in Iran, it's about other things," the minister declared. Spain's position is one of "moderation" and attempting "de-escalation," as the Spanish government believes that an extension of the armed conflict in the region could have consequences "that no one can foresee."

Is Spain alone?

This is not the first time Sánchez has established his own distinct profile in an international conflict. In fact, since the Gaza war, the Spanish president has used this stance to position himself on the European stage, attempting to influence the EU's position and also to mobilize the left in domestic politics. He was already very forceful in his opposition to the Trump administration regarding Venezuela and Greenland, and he is also a leading voice in the recognition of the Palestinian state. However, in the case of Iran, this is probably the move in which he has most deviated from the script of his European partners, given that the major powers, Germany and France, have shown themselves willing to become directly involved in the conflict.

In this regard, the director of CIDOB, Pol Morillas, believes that Spain is in a "complicated" position: "EU partners have shown a willingness to support intervention to defend the region's interests. [...] Maintaining this national position means going against the position being adopted by the main European countries." He emphasizes, above all, what happens in Cyprus, where the United Kingdom has intercepted Iranian drones: "This could be a factor that alters Spain's position." Spain has, in fact, already summoned the Iranian ambassador to Spain, Reza Zabib, to convey its "condemnation" of these events, as well as the attacks against the Gulf countries. Sánchez expressed his strong support for Cyprus in X: "All our support and solidarity."

Morillas warns that the precedent of Iraq in 2003 is important for Spain, when José María Aznar, with his coalition of volunteers, broke with the European consensus—France and Germany were opposed—and at the same time adds that Sánchez is not only looking to Europe but beyond: "If you broaden the picture, Spain is more aligned with the international consensus" against the illegal intervention against Iran, he emphasizes.

Regarding how this stance might affect Spain, Antoni Segura, emeritus professor of contemporary history—also former president of CIDOB—believes that, despite everything, it will not affect it excessively within the European Union. "I consider the position correct," he says. He emphasizes the "disunity" that currently prevails within the EU on key issues and adds that, although the most influential powers have aligned themselves with Trump, Spain is not alone: ​​it shares similar positions with Denmark, Slovenia, and, outside the EU, with Norway. In his view, we are facing a conflict with highly uncertain consequences for Europe and Asia—part of the oil they import passes through the Strait of Hormuz, controlled by Iran—and he sees Trump's "obsession" with China behind the operation. He notes that "80%" of Iranian exports go to the Asian giant: "After Venezuela, this is a hard blow" for Beijing.