"Sensible Internationalism": Moncloa's strategy for navigating the Trump era

MadridDonald Trump has shaken the world order and consolidated an era—inaugurated by Vladimir Putin—in which the law of the strongest governs international relations. This has forced all states, especially the allies of the European Union, to rethink their role. Spain is no exception; on the contrary, those at La Moncloa (the Prime Minister's residence) are aware of this changing landscape and are working on a comprehensive strategy for the Spanish president to establish a distinct profile in all crises and, at the same time, try to be influential in shaping European foreign policy. All of this is taking place against a backdrop of strain in domestic politics, where he is trying to contrast the right-wing agenda with international issues: this Monday will be an example of this with the meeting, after almost a year, with the leader of the People's Party (PP), Alberto Núñez Feijóo, regarding the deployment of troops to Ukraine.

According to sources at La Moncloa, Sánchez's recipe for navigating this new global context involves what they call "sensible internationalism," a concept that both the Spanish president and the Foreign Minister, José Manuel Albares, have begun using in their speeches to summarize what they believe should be done, within the framework of the conference of ambassadors scheduled to open in 2026.

What does this mean? The Spanish government indicates that the "main message is that common sense is needed" and that it's necessary to "forge new alliances" beyond the United States, in addition to strengthening existing ones within the European Union. They also speak of "moral rearmament," a concept used by the Foreign Minister in an attempt to ideologically combat Trump and what they call the "far-right international," represented in Spain by Vox. In short: Moncloa wants to position itself as a defender of the rights enshrined in the UN Charter, multilateral organizations, and international law, even though these have proven to be meaningless in recent weeks. This is the same approach it has followed in recent conflicts: Sánchez initiated the recognition of the Palestinian state during the Gaza war; he was the only European partner to contradict Trump on increasing defense spending; and he has now had the strongest reaction on a European scale to the US attack on Venezuela and the threat in Greenland. At least, at the rhetorical level. The new alliances the Spanish government is considering involve maintaining its status as an Atlanticist ally—"without vassalage" to the United States—but not turning its back on China, with which Spain has always maintained more political dialogue than other European partners. In fact, Sánchez was the first president to travel during the height of the clash with Trump over tariffs.

Pol Morillas, director of CIDOB, confirms that there is a growing awareness within the Spanish government of Spain's position in the world—a "reliable partner" of the EU and NATO, and at the same time a bridge to Latin America and the Mediterranean region—and the potential it has to leverage this. Morillas reflects that in recent years, Spain had done little to capitalize on this, maintaining a lower profile, similar to that of other European countries. "There was a void, and they are trying to fill it," Morillas says in a conversation with AHORA. However, he also admits that this bolder approach carries greater risks, as Spain could become a "spearhead," but at the same time, it could find itself isolated if it fails to influence its European partners, as in the case of Gaza or its relationship with China.

The connection with domestic politics

The Spanish president himself outlined the "basic pillars" of foreign policy at the ambassadors' conference on January 8th, under the title "Spain: A Global Actor": "Coherence, commitment, cooperation, and creativity," he said. For the Spanish government, the "coherence" of its positions on emerging international crises is fundamental, as it allows Pedro Sánchez to link his foreign policy stance with domestic politics and leverage this electorally to mobilize the left and compete with Sumar and Podemos. The clearest example is Gaza, where, incidentally, he also put the People's Party (PP) in a difficult position due to its internal differences regarding the concept of genocide by Israel. With Venezuela, Sánchez is repeating the same pattern. Following the tepid response of the European Union's statement, the Spanish president "unequivocally" condemned the US attack and joined forces with Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Uruguay to openly criticize Trump. This week, Minister Albares also maintained the same position. in the debate in Congress, delving into the PP's position in supporting Trump. A fact that criticized Vox spokesperson Pepa Millán: "She uses foreign policy to mobilize the far left," He told the Spanish government.

The thinking minds

The engine room for devising this entire strategy is run by a team led by Sánchez's chief of staff, Diego Rubio (Cáceres, 1986), a history graduate from the Autonomous University of Barcelona and PhD from Oxford, who has also served as an advisor to the United Nations and the European Commission. Since his arrival to this strategic site In September of last year, replacing the current minister Óscar López, foreign policy has gained prominence in Sánchez's discourse, while international affairs have taken center stage: "They've made a virtue of necessity," asserts Pablo Pareja, professor of international relations at Pompeu Fabra University (UPF). This expert clarifies that the major foreign policy priorities "haven't undergone significant changes," but rather that the style has been modified. "Sánchez is more proactive, clearer, and more precise" than other governments, especially that of Mariano Rajoy (PP), which had become overshadowed by European policy. "Now there's a certain uniqueness," he states, pointing to his more "ideological" style in his stances, which also links him to the battle in domestic politics. In fact, he notes that foreign policy draws on the one initiated by José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in 2004, who also sought to cultivate relations with China and Latin America and is one of the leaders who most influences the Spanish president. The difference with Zapatero, he reflects, is that Sánchez is more "presidentialist".

For Cesáreo Rodríguez-Aguilera, emeritus professor of political science at the University of Barcelona, three elements explain the prominence Sánchez gives to the international stage: first, the PSOE leader is "well-regarded" abroad, even by politicians who are not aligned with him, such as the President of the European Commission; the Spanish government is interested in focusing on foreign policy due to the "wear and tear on domestic politics"; and finally, these are aspects on which Sumar and Podemos compete. Where this wasn't possible, the experts consulted point out, was in the case of Western Sahara, where Spain did shift its historical position of defending the self-determination of the Sahrawi people and found itself cornered when it came to defending that change.