Is Pedro Sánchez a charismatic leader?

MadridThe German sociologist Max Weber already defined the concept of a "charismatic leader," which he described as that authority based on the devotion of their followers due to their heroism, exemplary character, or any other quality that seems extraordinary. He distinguished this type of authority from traditional authority—based on transmission from generation to generation—and also from legal or rational authority, which is related to a authority as a result of formal and democratic procedures.

No one can dispute the PSOE leader's magnetism and, above all, his ability to withstand the climate of war between the PSOE and the PP in Madrid. But he also possesses the messianic attributes of this type of leadership: omnipresence within his organization; intolerance of internal criticism; and the entrenchment of his inner circle.

This week, Felipe González rubbed salt in the wound when from the Ateneo of Madrid He spoke of Sánchez as the "fucking boss" to reprimand his own party members for acting as "servants" to the leader. González no longer has authority over the socialist base—his hyper-leadership has been replaced by that of the current Spanish president—and has engaged in an ideological shift that is closer to projects now championed by the right. However, he expressed concern about the lack of internal debate within the PSOE, especially after suffering two consecutive electoral defeats—in Extremadura and Aragon—and the minimal self-criticism from the leadership. Even Minister Óscar López has blamed the now-departed Javier Lambán for the decline, accusing him of not mounting enough opposition to the PP. This has generated considerable controversy within the Aragonese federation of the PSOE, and the current candidate, Pilar Alegría, has had to manage as best she can with the help of another minister and right-hand man. The former Aragonese president is a "role model."

The PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party) is not considering changing its strategy of placing Spanish government ministers at the head of regional party lists, despite the fact that some are appalled to see Sánchez sacrificing them one by one, especially in the case of Aragon, given the prior announcement of the financing agreement with ERC (Republican Left of Catalonia), or in the case of Andalusia in June.

There are two hypotheses about Sánchez's motivations for placing government members in regional positions: the first is that he believes his best strategy in this regional election cycle is to capitalize on his success leading the Spanish government; and the second is that he is already preparing to keep the party firmly in check should he go into opposition after the next Spanish elections. In other words, he is preparing for a potential period of political isolation: controlling the regional landscape to prevent a revolution if he loses the Moncloa Palace (the Prime Minister's residence) and strategizing his own future from within the government.

Internal currents

So far, only feminists have dared to speak out against Paco Salazar, a close confidant of Sánchez; and former minister Jordi Sevilla, although he hasn't explicitly targeted the Spanish president, but rather called for a change of course within the PSOE. The manifesto had little follow-up Within the training program, however, it does facilitate contact between young, ambitious figures who are already thinking about the post-Sánchez era. That said, everyone understands that anyone the leadership identifies as a critical voice will be excluded. Like any good charismatic leader, Sánchez has no qualms about getting rid of his inner circle if necessary: ​​he has overhauled the Moncloa inner circle countless times – none of those who orchestrated the 2018 no-confidence vote remain – and his circle has shrunk considerably – primarily Félix Bolaños and Montero – as legal troubles have arisen.