Pablo Iglesias: "ERC leaders privately asked us to halt the transfer of immigration powers."

MadridPablo Iglesias (Madrid, 1978) speaks to ARA at the headquarters of Canal Red, the platform he founded two years ago with the goal of "breaking media hegemony" and "fighting the ideological battle." "Journalism in Spain is one of the cancers of democracy," the former Podemos leader and former Spanish vice president maintains during the interview. Iglesias places the media as a key player in the "process of Spain's right-wing shift," which he describes in his new book. Intimate Enemies (Navona, 2025), in which settles scores with public figures Who is to blame for this trend?

Half of those accused are linked to the left. How much responsibility does this political space bear?

— A lot. The capacity that the progress The media's push to shift society as a whole to the right is very worrying. It's also happening recently with the pro-independence movement in Catalonia. ERC's current rhetoric contrasts sharply with that of a few years ago. Seeing Gabriel Rufián criticize the left on a banner is something I wasn't prepared for.

Do you attribute cowardice to ERC's proposals, just as you do to Sumar's?

— They've demonstrated their courage many times. Once they've concluded that independence isn't viable in the short or medium term, I think ERC's problem is one of analysis. They don't understand that the fundamental battlefield is Spain. No matter how many Mossos d'Esquadra you have and no matter how large your autonomous structure is, you can't compete with that of the State, which will always be superior. Central power must republicanize and that is what should be the object of combat.

As?

— They can't go from wanting to build an independent state to saying, "Please, let the PSC govern, otherwise the far right will take over." I think now would be the time to force a confederal commitment to a republican model that recognizes the right to self-determination, and in this, there could be very broad alliances that the PSOE may have no way of resisting because it has no alliances outside of this republican blog. I would like both ERC and EH Bildu to take joint responsibility for the direction of the state, to be represented in a state government. Podemos would work in that direction. I think [Ione] Belarra and [Irene] Montero are clear on that.

Without unity on the left of the PSOE, isn't the revalidation of a progressive coalition at risk?

— The PSOE cannot pretend to control those on its left, which is what it attempted with Yolanda Díaz. The PSOE must assume the responsibility of integrating the Sumar sectors that are closest to its views. And Podemos will be responsible for the sectors left out. I think there can be electoral agreements, but under no circumstances with Sumar, which is a failed project.

In the book, he states that Yolanda Díaz cannot run on any electoral list again.

— It would make little sense for her to descend into the Hunger Games as the leader of a very small party that would have to negotiate with many other regional parties like Más Madrid, the Comuns, Compromís, or Izquierda Unida. I imagine her more likely to preside over a foundation of Workers' Commissions. Furthermore, she's the last person who would be electorally competitive. It was clear in the European elections that Irene Montero would undoubtedly be more competitive. I'm convinced she will be the candidate for Podemos and the other parties that want to support Podemos.

How important is Catalonia in achieving this scenario?

— In the European elections, we had more votes than the Commons despite having a very modest structure. In a general election, I think Montero would have more votes than any Commons candidate in Catalonia. They'll decide who they want to go with. Their national alliance with Sumar is causing them to fare much worse than when they allied with us. I think the sympathy that exists in Catalonia toward Podemos and Montero will define many key factors in the future.

He only mentions Ada Colau in passing. Why?

— I haven't had much of a personal relationship with her, and we worked in very different areas. Hers was municipal. She was a great mayor. We always supported her, even though we didn't always welcome it back. I wasn't surprised when she moved closer to Sumar. She changed a lot in those years, and she might have felt more comfortable in that tradition, but I think she would have liked to be a minister and that Díaz didn't respond to Colau's support in the way she would have liked.

In your case, after leaving the Spanish government, did you receive any offers to occupy any other position?

— They didn't try to buy me off in any way, but I would have liked them to try to test me. Now, I understood that I was in the mix for Montero to be Chile's ambassador because we would have had to go with our three children. In fact, we once talked about going abroad so we could be anonymous. In Spain, we have to have security. And if the PP and Vox govern, they could easily try to lock us up in prison. I have no intention of being a martyr.

Would you return to institutional politics?

— No. First, for my children. When you have a media outlet, you can defend your family much better than with a public office. And then, because I didn't like it. I wasn't personally happy holding those positions. Now I am. I love what I do. I wouldn't go back to that pit under any circumstances.

How long has it been since you spoke to Pedro Sánchez?

— About four or five months ago, María Jesús Montero's number called me, but when I picked up, I saw it was some guys. I informed the head of the security detail and texted Pedro Sánchez telling him I thought it was extremely serious. He told me that Salvador Isla had also received a call from a Montero who wasn't her. It seems his cell phone had been hacked. We've also said our birthday wishes to each other on occasion. Nothing related to politics.

What path do you foresee for the Spanish president?

— He has the upper hand in deciding when the legislature ends, even if there's no budget. I don't think there will be one this year under any circumstances. He'll call elections whenever it suits him, but he'll have a very difficult time surviving another electoral cycle. Furthermore, it's clear that the objective of the judicial right, one of the most powerful political actors in Spain, is to overthrow the government. Sánchez is more of an enemy to them than Carles Puigdemont. In fact, it's quite foolish of the Spanish right not to resolve Puigdemont's procedural problem, because right now he could be their ally if they allowed him to return peacefully by applying the amnesty.

Is Podemos still determined to oppose the immigration pact with Junts?

— Nobody asks for these skills if it is not to do evilThere were ERC leaders who, privately, told us: "Please stop this. We can't say it publicly because it falls under Catalonia's jurisdiction, but we know what Junts' objective is."

Are you self-critical about Juan Carlos Monedero's allegations of sexual abuse?

— There have been attempts to draw analogies [with the Íñigo Errejón case], and I don't think it's comparable. Podemos acted like no one else has ever done, and it wasn't mentioned in order to protect the victims' identities. It's a feminist success.