In absolute terms, under the new regional financing proposal, Aragon would receive an additional €630 million and would still be funded above its fiscal capacity: it contributes below the average—94%, when the average is 100%—and would receive 99% of the resources. Why are some parties complaining? Because with the current model, Aragon would contribute 94% of the resources and receive 105% (all percentages refer to adjusted per capita resources, the calculation method used by the Ministry of Finance). Catalonia has a tax capacity of 121% (its contribution) and with the new model would receive 104%: in absolute numbers, this would amount to €4.686 billion in 2027.
Anti-Catalan sentiment dominates the election campaign in Aragon
The PP clings to the issue of funding, pointing to alleged favors in Catalonia, while the PSOE distances itself from sycophancy.
BarcelonaThe election campaign in Aragon has one main protagonist: Catalonia. As has happened before in several other regions of Spain, the elections are focused on stoking anti-Catalan sentiment from parties of different political leanings. The Aragonese president, Jorge Azcón of the People's Party, seized upon the issue of funding to put Catalonia in the eye of the storm, speaking of "privileges." This strategy is aimed at attacking the Socialist candidate, former government spokesperson Pilar Alegría, and is also being used by the Chunta Aragonesista party, which has been involved in several controversies regarding funding. And what is happening within the Socialist Party? Voters will have noticed a radical change with Alegría, who has distanced herself from the anti-Catalan style of Javier Lambán.
CataloniaAnd the Catalan separatists: these are some of the words Azcón has uttered most frequently. "What you're doing is defending the Catalan separatists," he told Alegría in a face-to-face debate. He also recorded a video with a whiteboard comparing Aragon's funding with Catalonia's under the new agreed-upon model, based on a Fedea study. "Aragon is getting worse, and the Catalan separatists are getting better," he summarized, referring to "privileged funding." Whenever he talks about funding, he conceals the fact that the new model would provide an additional 600 million euros to Aragon and that, unlike Catalonia, it would continue to receive more than it contributes to the common coffers. The Aragonese president even sees the PSOE's campaign poster stained "with the yellow of Catalan separatism." "We will not humiliate ourselves or kneel before your separatist partners," he retorted to the Socialist candidate.
Popular sources consulted by ARA maintain that they defend "the interests of the Aragonese people," calling for "respect for the constitutional principles of solidarity and equality among Spaniards." "We are not anti-Catalan, but we reject the separatism that seeks to break our framework of coexistence," they emphasize. And they reject the notion that "separatist parties are advocating for the annexation of a part of Aragon to Catalonia," referring to the Franja region. They insist that they have more in common with Lambán and point out that "Alegría represents a PSOE that breaks with the Constitution and aligns itself with separatism to defend Sánchez's interests." It is worth remembering that Azcón himself had said before the campaign that "Catalan is not spoken in Aragon," diluting the language into local varieties (in Fraga, they don't speak Catalan, but rather, in his opinion, Fragatino), because they don't like it "being called Catalan."
Radical turn by the PSOE
The shift has occurred within the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party). Alegría focused on highlighting the "deterioration of public services" and "mismanagement" to halt "privatizations" and revitalize healthcare and education. She fully defended the new funding model, even displaying posters with the figure of 630 million euros extra for the region. She argues that this is the funding that Aragon "needed" and has lashed out against the "noise" from the PP (People's Party). Socialist sources comment that they are focused on sectoral issues and lament that "Azcón mentions Catalonia more than Aragon"; an "obsession." They also point to Alegría's "conciliatory" tone towards the Principality, unlike the "anti-Catalan sentiment that stirs up the PP" to place the "enemy outside." They note that Alegría is "completely different from Lambán."
For its part, Vox has focused on rural issues and immigration, without abandoning its anti-Catalan sentiment. The candidate, Alejandro Nolasco, criticized the People's Party (PP), since Fraga's time, for having "voted against" the initiative to remove the recognition of Aragonese and Catalan as "indigenous languages," and called for the Civil Guard to enter the National Art Museum of Catalonia (MNAC) to recover the "stolen" Sijena paintings—a favorite topic of Abascal. Vox sources maintain that they are talking about "issues that concern the people of Aragon": "combating illegal immigration, street safety, and housing so that young people can start families." Santiago Abascal has been omnipresent, competing with another far-right agitator, Alvise Pérez, who presents the party "The Party's Over," with the support of from Hazte Oír.
Controversy
On the left, the Chunta Aragonesista, with a "territorial" emphasis and focusing on "access to housing," has also dedicated efforts to contrasting Aragonese and Catalans. Their candidate, Jorge Pueyo, has defined the proposed new financing model as a tool to "give Catalans an executive menu and crumbs to the Aragonese." Sources from Chunta Aragonesista admit that funding is not the subject of the regional debate, but they lament the "advantages" for Catalonia while "the unique characteristics" of Aragon are not taken into account. They mention depopulation, although this is precisely one of the variables included in the funding model. They also point out that they are the only ones who defend the Catalan language and that "most of the problems come from Madrid." They advocate for quality services with a guaranteed minimum—taking into account depopulation and aging—and maintain that "the right and the far right are the ones fueling hatred" by resorting to anti-Catalan sentiment. For its part, Podemos has presented itself as the change needed to reverse the "privatization" of hospitals and schools, and they avoid territorial confrontations. Existe, meanwhile, has focused on the provincial agenda and rural depopulation and has defended the Catalan language. It was merely "another birth" of the Crown of Aragon—ignoring three centuries of Catalan kings and the Principality's dominance. They reject the idea that Catalonia can aspire to the economic agreement and demand that the Basque Country lose it.