Why singular financing is running aground

In politics, being right doesn't guarantee winning a battle. The independence movement bitterly realized this at the time. It was a case of naiveté. In the case of the new financing, it confirms, as has been confirmed time and again, that being right, defending a just cause, has little impact on the final outcome, since opponents aren't willing to take it into consideration. Quite the opposite: it often compels them to fight the claim even more vigorously.

The commitment to new financing, wrested by ERC from Pedro Sánchez in exchange for Isla's investiture, is, of all the pacts reached by the independence movement with Sánchez, undoubtedly the most important. It's the one that can most improve the daily life of everyday Catalans, of all Catalans. That's why it's so disappointing that on this issue—unlike others where progress has been made little by little, but still progress has been made—the Moncloa has taken a step back and reneged on what was signed last year. If previously the Generalitat was supposed to collect and control the money, now both administrations will do so. If the principle of ordinality was previously accepted, now it is presented as a mere desideratum of the Catalan people. Ordinality, now banished, is key, given that, in practice, it would mean drastically reducing and capping Catalonia's massive fiscal deficit. It would prevent some of the autonomous regions that contribute money, as is the case here, from being surpassed in resources by others that were previously behind them due to the distribution.

When the agreement that made Isla president was finalized, it was said that Catalonia, while not having a model like the Basque Country or Navarre, would have a "unique" model. But now the Spanish government asserts that what will be there is a unique model, but one for everyone—extrapolable, generalizable—as if this weren't a scandalous contradiction. The Minister of Economy and Finance, Alícia Romero, has celebrated what she now says will be "a model with a federal vision."

Sánchez's opening the door to new financing was the result of the strict application of his principle that advocates "making a virtue out of necessity." It is not, therefore, born of conviction. It is not born of the will to "make a virtue out of virtue." The reactions against a financing reform—the current one expired eleven years ago—have been passionate and angry, although no one knows how they will turn out. Starting with Ayuso, who warned that the unity of Spain is being torn apart, and continuing with Feijóo, who threatened to repeal it when he governs. The same has happened within the ranks of the PSOE, where the discontent is evident. Sánchez's declared internal enemy, the president of Castilla-La Mancha, has expressed what many other socialists think and keep quiet about, namely, that changing financing is an attack on equality among Spaniards. Previously, García-Page had made the following statement, which reflects a certain idea of Spain: "Catalonia's wealth is not its Catalans, it belongs to everyone." (To add another wrinkle, it turns out that Finance Minister María Jesús Montero will be the PSOE candidate in Andalusia next year.)

All these reactions, obviously, would not occur if Catalonia did not contribute excessively to financing the system. For this very reason, precisely for this reason, any modification is rejected. No one wants Catalonia to be able to put less money on the table. As the kind reader will have noticed, we are talking above all about interests—territorial, partisan—and the political strength of each party. Not about who is right or wrong, but about what is and is not fair.

There are a couple of other factors also working against it, making a reform of the kind Catalonia would like and would benefit it illusory. One is that Sánchez has realized that ERC (Republican Revolutionary Party) doesn't have enough strength, and that, while it may cause problems, it won't participate in a vote of no confidence against him. The second has to do with Spanish politics, which is absolutely polarized, poisoned, and violent. We find ourselves caught in a toxic spiral that erodes democracy and in which, episode after episode, scandal after scandal, the biggest winner is Vox. In such a context, it is impossible to argue, present reasons, or reach any compromise. Politics, in the honorable sense of the term, cannot be done. Everything is wild and emotional. Feijóo, despite knowing that Catalonia deserves more funding, will not sit down and talk about anything. In fact, he has even avoided hinting at a proposal of his own. On the contrary, he will use all the mechanisms at his disposal, which are many, to continue the fight to the death against Sánchez. The only thing that matters for the Popular Party, as for everyone else, is to do as little to the opponent as possible.