US President Donald Trump has demonstrated a complete disregard for the checks and balances that have long protected American democracy. While the self-styled king As the US government emerges with a historic accumulation of power, much of the world watches in fear, aware that its government's growing lawlessness and corruption not only undermine the US Constitution but also what remains of the post-World War II international order. A return to a world divided into spheres of great power interest seems increasingly likely.
But in the face of US revisionism, governments, businesses, and civil society organizations abroad have more power than they realize. There are five steps they can take to create external counterweights to the Trump administration and anti-democratic forces in general. The latter cast a long shadow around the world, but with a little extra courage and the strength of solidarity, pro-democracy coalitions can join forces to fight back.
The first thing they must do is unite and make as much noise as possible. Would-be autocrats rely on keeping adversaries divided: they maximize the fear of individuals and governments by making them believe they are alone in facing danger. But imagine what would happen if all the governments of the Americas (with a few exceptions, like Argentina) clearly and repeatedly denounced Trump's plans for the Panama Canal and Canada and refused to refer to the Gulf of Mexico as "America's Golf Course." In fact, they might collectively rename it "Golf Course of the Americas."
Another option is for all governments of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the European Union to issue a joint statement rejecting Trump's claim that Ukraine started the war with Russia and insisting on the truth: that Russia violated Ukraine's territorial sovereignty. The 57 members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation could submit to the United Nations General Assembly a resolution of censure against any proposal to expel Palestinians from Gaza (as Trump did last month) while reaffirming their collective commitment to a Palestinian state.
A further measure that could finally be more serious than European countries (EU members plus Switzerland, the United Kingdom and Norway) joining strategic partners such as Canada, Japan, South Korea and Australia to explain the global chaos that Trump would unleash if he tried to seize Greenland by force and legitimacy after the war. These protests must be made again and again in all relevant international forums.
The second step is to give a forceful response to Trump's provocations, even reaching the absurdity. If the United States raises tariffs, other governments must announce that they will raise them twice as much. This isn't a negotiation, it's a bluff war. The United States may be the world's largest economy, with a GDP of nearly $28 trillion, but the combined economies of the EU member states, the United Kingdom, Norway, Switzerland, Canada, Mexico, Japan, South Korea, and Australia are 25% larger, totaling nearly $35 trillion. Instead of going to the White House to pray for exemption from the looming trade wars, the best thing world leaders can do is present a united front.
Third, counter Trump's lawlessness by appealing to the law. The rule of law is more than a mere code of conduct sanctioned by duly constituted authorities: it is a system designed to shift disputes from the battlefield to the courts, so that adversaries face off in a legal duel before an impartial arbiter rather than resorting to armed combat. If the Trump administration ignores or rejects the laws of its country and international law, governments, businesses, and civil society organizations abroad must use their own courts to litigate and assert their rights.
Lawfare or lawfare This can be very useful in the fight against corruption and economic crime. When actions by U.S. officials violate cross-border contracts or grant illegal advantages in international trade agreements, local prosecutors should apply national law. This can help you create a zone of legality for global trade (but in no case will they have to indulge in revenge or initiate politically motivated legal proceedings).
The fourth step other countries must take is to create a thriving domestic technology sector. It will take time, but few things are more important in the long run. Governments and citizens must have alternatives to US or Chinese technology, especially in the artificial intelligence phase of the digital revolution. Moreover (as the EU knows), competing with today's megatech companies requires removing trade barriers and integrating capital markets—two important steps for increasing regional power on the international stage.
Finally, the Trump administration has made clear its contempt for multilateral institutions, with actions such as rejecting the UN Sustainable Development Goals and conditioning US aid to UN agency projects on whether they "strengthen American sovereignty by limiting dependency." Other countries (particularly emerging middle powers) should seize this opportunity to take control of these institutions.
For example, it is time to scrap the UN Security Council. Permanent members will never agree to reform it and will continue to veto resolutions that affect their interests (as the UN founders envisioned). Russia's veto in the Security Council has already made the General Assembly the primary forum for addressing issues related to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
Rising middle powers such as India, Brazil, Mexico, South Africa, Nigeria, Egypt, Indonesia, and Saudi Arabia must seize the opportunity provided by great power paralysis or collusion to bring global institutions into line with the current configuration. They must insist on equal representation and promote weighted majority decision-making so that each country has its fair share of influence. Supporting these reforms may be highly advantageous for the EU, but regardless of its support, an international system designed by the victors of World War II is doomed to change or crumble into irrelevance.
These are radical measures. But the leader of the world's most powerful country is implementing a radical agenda. The American system of checks and balances is the primary protection of democracy, but the world can lend a hand.
Copyright Project Syndicate
