Back to sociological autonomism

The 50th anniversary of the dictator's death has brought to the forefront the memory of the most direct anti-Franco struggles, with their heroes and victims. So, the younger generations—those with short memories—may have been left with the impression that the majority of Catalan—and Spanish—society was anti-Franco. And that's not true. What was truly widespread was what was called "sociological Francoism." This is what allowed the dictator to continue killing, with five executions two months before he died in bed. It is what meekly tolerated the restoration of a historically corrupt monarchy, one that has been bowing down and genuflecting for fifty years. And it was also popular support that made possible what some still praise as exemplary: a Transition without a break from the previous regime, which has allowed for the veneration of prominent Francoists—Adolfo Suárez there, Juan Antonio Samaranch here—without anyone ever having to face justice.

The anti-Franco resistance went far beyond the heroes and victims who have received public support from commemorative organizations. Because... wasn't the appearance of children's magazines also part of the anti-Franco struggle? Strong Horse either Thirteen windsAnd wasn't what so many citizens did anonymously, including priests like the one in Núria Cadenes's latest novel, also wrong? Who saves a lifeBut whether out of fear or resignation, it was the majority of Franco supporters who endured the dictator until his death. And having had no one to answer for it, they left behind a lethargic social and institutional Francoism, both in the streets and within the structures of the State: a Francoism that was barely or very much dead in certain sectors of journalism, in the judicial system, and also at many levels of the high civil service. When the alarm was sounded, however, it revived: it saw its own flaws and is fulfilling its old commitments to the national project of the dictatorship.

Besides never forgetting it, I think we can learn a lesson from all this for our post-independence process. As I wrote in The road to independence (2010), the process dispelled that post-Francoist dream that had led many Catalans to believe there was no other path than constitutional autonomy. It allowed us to abandon the "I'd like to, but it's not possible" attitude that prevailed when independence was discussed. A mental trap, of course, perpetuated by most Catalanist and nationalist parties and their leaders, who didn't want to take any risks. However, for a dozen years, even those who had never considered independence saw it as possible. If you will, a certain "sociological independence movement" was spreading, lacking strong theoretical foundations but emotionally unveiled.

However, the defeat of the Process is no longer so much a victory for police, judicial, and political repression as it is, above all, the ability to return Catalans to the fold of social, or "sociological," autonomy, if you will. That is to say, to return to "I'd like to, but it's not possible," now with the added "...as we've seen." And to hide behind indifference, feigning ignorance. However much it is said, with good intentions, that no separatist has ceased to be one, it must be said that the country is full of old separatists reinstated within the current sociological autonomy. So, if there's one skill to be acknowledged in President Salvador Illa, it's not that he's, as he likes to say, a good manager of the country—that remains to be seen—but rather that he's the great tamer of sovereignist aspirations, managing to get a majority of Catalans to resign themselves to the situation—and a few, with undisguised self-absorption.

As with Francoism, the point is that one shouldn't expect explicit, well-founded, and conscious support from forms of conformity or political acquiescence of social majorities. Sociological Francoism wasn't necessarily made up of Francoists. Nor could independence be consolidated without a solid, low-profile sociological independence movement. Sociological autonomism doesn't need autonomists at heart either. It's enough for them to resign themselves and shrug, saying, "It is what it is." That's the power it has.status quoThe winning side can pretend to be "everyone," and the losing side appears eccentric, conflictive, and irritating.

We know that the thick fog of submission, docility, and resignation is always the hardest to dispel and overcome. However, some of us keep Joan Fuster in mind: "You don't accept defeat until you find that you will come out ahead."