1. The pact. Mazón's shamelessness and Feijóo's indolence have caused the Valencian crisis to leap into mainstream politics. In a state of denial, Mazón hasn't had the dignity to go home, nor has Feijóo the authority to make him back down. Abascal has seized the opportunity. He has laid out the program: climate denial, firmness against immigration, marginalization of the Valencian language, not a euro in the historical memory. Vox proposes it, Mazón signs it, and the PP leadership validates it. The step has been taken. This isn't occasional parliamentary support; it's a government pact. The PP officially opens its alliance with Vox, seemingly indifferent to the threats of the moment. Feijóo, busy as always looking for ideas to ridicule Sánchez, which is his way of understanding the role of the opposition, wasn't even the one who confirmed the strategic shift. He simply applauded Mazón's pact. Applying his trademark policy of least effort, Feijóo embraces an alliance that breaks the democratic front and shapes the party's future. No more ambiguities. Vox is the PP's priority partner, making the conditions clear from the outset. A warning that the other parties cannot ignore.
Until now, Feijóo, not keen on developing political proposals and unveiling potential alliances, had been reluctant to get involved with the far right for fear that it might take votes from him if he granted it legitimacy and recognition. But at the same time, he knows that if he or whoever replaces him wants to govern, they are either capable of opening up new avenues or will inevitably need to make a pact with Vox. True to form, he hasn't gotten involved until it has been presented to him as a fait accompli. In his chronic indecision, he has found himself with Mazón rubbing his hand in his face. This isn't the PP's first alliance with Vox, but it is the one that carries the most political weight, as it shows that it is increasingly dependent and has fewer options for escape.
From there, all kinds of interpretations are possible: some say that Mazón made a pact so that Feijóo would already have his work done; others say it's revenge to get around someone who hasn't given him the helping hand he expected: on the contrary, he has left him standing at the exit door, without even giving him a hand. Feijóo's apathy and Mazón's vanity, incapable of realizing his own disaster, conspired to make an alliance without nuances with the far right effective, thus ending any ambiguity.
2. The paradox. The PP is embracing the alliance with the far right at a time when part of the European right, led by future German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, has opted for the opposite path: a coalition of democratic parties to halt the neo-fascist threat, the post-democratic authoritarianism sweeping Europe. Has Mazón exposed Feijóo, or has Feijóo used Mazón to force him to take the step he himself was hesitant to take and incorporate Vox as a partner in the right-wing front? In any case, the step has been taken. And a hypothetical paradox looms on the horizon: that neither Mazón nor Feijóo will be its beneficiaries. Balancing acts will hardly save Mazón, in the midst of a crisis of authority and confidence. And as a result, as a result of his inability to demonstrate the authority that corresponds to the president of a party, it could very well be that Feijóo ends up going home so that the party understands that this is a condition for the PP to govern again.
Mazón's paradox could be stated like this: by wanting to save himself, he prolonged his agony and dragged Feijóo down. A party cannot indulge in letting time pass without doing anything when one of its own has made an irreversible mistake: sinking into an inability to be sensitive to the gravity of a moment. And failing to understand that in certain situations, what rules—marked by impotence—has to assume the role of chief turk of the catastrophe. For now, we already have Abascal riding high on the PP's coattails.
