Jaume Duch: "The strategy of being condescending towards Trump doesn't work"

The arrival of 2026 has confirmed a new global landscape that we had been hinting at for some time: In the world, definitely in an unpredictable way, the law of the strongest prevails once again. The return of a more radicalized version of Donald Trump to the White House has shaken the international order, and especially Europe, which feels slighted by its traditional ally and threatened from several fronts. We spoke with Jaume Duch Guillot, advisor to the Catalan government's Department of European Union and Foreign Action, who has extensive professional experience at the forefront of European institutions. Duch also emphasizes the role Catalonia must play in strengthening a European Union that, inevitably, needs to be strong.

If I ask you to define the political situation in Europe today in a few words, what would you say?

— That Europe is facing its moment of truth.

We met at the Christmas toast of the European institutions in Barcelona. There was pessimism among the attendees: many said that 2026 will be a very difficult year for Europe.

— I'm not a pessimist, but it's true that the world is changing a lot and very quickly, and not necessarily in the way we'd like. But we've also seen that Europe, the European Union, is beginning to react to these changes. Perhaps it's a slow reaction, but we mustn't forget that it's a joint effort, responding to the concerns of 27 countries.

Perhaps the biggest challenge is Trump. What is the US president trying to achieve with this strategy of contempt and threats toward Europe?

— To impose themselves. To impose themselves as an administration, as a country, as an empire. They want to show us that we have entered a new era, and in that era, what counts is force. The stronger you are, the greater your impact on international politics. Trump is denying the international system of coexistence we've had since World War II. And this type of person [Trump] keeps advancing until someone stops him, or something stops him. And I believe Europe has a significant responsibility to make this happen, and quickly.

That's not exactly what European leaders have done in this first year of their term. In general, they've opted for subservience, for not upsetting him…

— Yes, and it has been shown that that initial, more condescending tone wasn't working, it hasn't worked. And, in fact, I think we've seen a change: With Greenland, for example, the European response has been firmEurope has shown its teeth to Trump, which I would say has pushed back, albeit temporarily, Washington's aggressiveness.

This is not the case for Mark Rutte, who continues to opt for the accentuated genuflection.

— Well, I can try to understand their role and the fact that European leaders have, for so long, wanted not to damage the relationship with the United States too much. I think there's a key reason that explains it, and fundamentally it is the war in Ukraine and the resulting Russian threat to the European UnionWe know that the security of Kyiv and Brussels still depends on Washington, and I am sure that, if this were not the case, we would have seen a much stronger European reaction against Trump from the beginning.

Therefore, it is unrealistic to imagine, at this point, a break between Europe and the United States.

— Well, first of all, it's important to understand that the breakup won't come from Europe. The breakup comes from the United States, and all the elements of this breakup have been put in place by Washington, not Brussels. That said, Europe must work towards achieving strategic autonomyIt certainly should have been done sooner, but it wasn't. The EU can no longer be at the mercy of others: we must have our own tools to decide who we want to be in this world, what we want to do, and, most importantly, to defend our model of society. How many models of society are better than ours? Surely, none.

In the corridors of Brussels, it is admitted that we are still far from strategic autonomy. What is the most crucial element that we still need to achieve?

— Above all, to ensure its security. That is, to ensure that Europe can defend itself against any type of attack, not only classic military attacks, but also cyberattacks, disinformation, or other hybrid actions aimed at weakening European democracies.

So, is the main solution for European governments to invest more in defense?

— They must invest more in defense, but above all, they must invest better. In other words, I believe a joint European defense coordination policy should be implemented, one that is not simply the sum of different defense policies (of the member states). This can be done within NATO, with or without the United States; or it can be done by withdrawing from NATO, within the framework of the EU itself, probably expanded to include other (allied) countries, such as the United Kingdom.

Pedro Sánchez has been one of the European leaders most critical of Trump's demands. increase military spending by NATO partners.

— And time has proven him right. I think many of the countries that accepted the 5% that Trump demanded did so thinking that this way the White House would be more agreeable to them. And it wasn't. But I reiterate: the main issue shouldn't be spending more money on defense, but rather spending it better. What Washington would like is for European allies to spend billions of euros buying their military equipment. However, it's smarter to better integrate the military capabilities of EU partners. By doing this, it wouldn't be necessary at all to reach expenditures of 4 or 5% of GDP.

This week we saw Modi's India receive Ursula von der Leyen and António Costa with full honors. Should the EU seek new friends?

— Yeah. The agreement that has just been signed with India or the agreement that has been signed with Mercosur had been under negotiation for years. But the global situation Trump has created in the trade arena with his aggressive tariff policy demands that these processes be accelerated. Everyone has realized that we cannot be exclusively dependent on American markets. And Europe remains an attractive power: we are talking about 450 million people with purchasing power well above the world average. This makes us a priority from an economic and trade perspective.

Let's go to Ukraine. In a few weeks, it will be four years since the start of the Russian invasion. Do you think 2026 will be the year the war ends?

— This is what we all expect, isn't it? Or what we should all expect. It is also important that any ceasefire achieved be a fair agreement, one that allows for a just peace afterward, and therefore a peace freely decided by the Ukrainians. As Europeans, we cannot allow the agreement to be solely between the Russians and the Americans. As Europeans, this should concern us because, in a way, it would give Putin free rein.

Is the population of Catalonia aware of the risky situation Europe is facing?

— I think there's an evolution in this awareness, and that we probably still have a way to go before we're fully aware of it. We're noticing it in the polls: people are starting to realize that the world is changing, that the principles that have governed us until now are no longer respected by powers like the US, and that the threat Russia poses to Europe takes many different forms.

And is the government working to address this new global landscape?

— Yes, we are working on analyzing this new reality, adapting our policies, and placing great emphasis on the role the European Union must play. This is the fundamental message: our only possible positive future is a strong European Union that plays an important role in the worldand that, therefore, it serves as a shelter, an umbrella, against all these challenges that did not exist a few years ago, and that we probably could not even imagine.

What are the priorities of your department?

— We want to be much more influential where decisions are made, fundamentally, and therefore, in European institutions. During this first year and a half, we have been occupying a number of spaces in the different institutions, and we have begun to influence a number of issues, dossiers, that are important for Catalonia: from EU funding to fisheries policy...and this extends to many other areas, such as digital and technological policies. Our priority is also to contribute to the strengthening of Europe. This also means raising social awareness so that Catalans realize the privilege of being European. And that we understand that this is not an automatic privilege that can last forever; it is a privilege that must be cultivated and defended.

Which others?

— There is another very important one: to also have a more relevant role in certain international organizations that manage policies that, in Catalonia, then fall under the jurisdiction of the Generalitat (Catalan government). The most obvious example in recent weeks is the agreement we have signed between the Catalan government and the Spanish government so that Catalonia has an individualized position within two very important international organizations, which are UNESCO and also the World Tourism Organization. In other words, Catalonia will have a delegate to UNESCO, and this figure will be incorporated into Spain's permanent representation, but with its own voice. This will allow them to convey Catalonia's positions on the many important issues addressed by UNESCO, ranging from science and education to culture and new technologies. Furthermore, this is also an important step in the political sphere, as it fulfills agreements reached with both ERC and Junts. We believe it is progress for the country in every respect.

To achieve these objectives, is collaboration with the Spanish government essential?

— Yes, not only with the Spanish government, but with other governments as well, and that's what we do. But it's clear that if you have the collaboration or help of the Spanish government, you can go further or faster than in a confrontational situation. I believe that what we're preaching all day is interconnectedness and maintaining a multilateral system.We must be consistent with this, and therefore we must be able to coordinate and collaborate, starting with the Spanish government itself.

What impact would a change of political affiliation in Madrid have on the Catalan government's foreign policy?

— I hope that political shift doesn't happen for a long time. But if it does, we must be very determined to continue managing the powers that the Catalan government has in matters of foreign policy, powers that are very clearly defined by the Statute of Autonomy.

What some, during the Process, called the Catalan problem It gave Catalonia a certain international spotlight. Has it lost that with the normalization of relations with Madrid?

— I try not to make comparisons with the past. What I can say is that I see a positive image of Catalonia in the rest of the world. I think that within the European Union we are one of the most influential territories. And you don't need to be a state to be truly influential in many EU policies. What I always notice is interest in Catalonia as such, in the way the government handles important issues related to economic and technological matters. I see interest and a desire to cooperate, collaborate, and establish agreements.

Do people from abroad often ask you about the health of the independence movement?

— The truth is that it's not a topic that's on the agendas of my meetings, probably because the people I meet with are already on the topic.

The official status of Catalan in the EU has indeed been in the media spotlight. In principle, it was supposed to be achieved before Sánchez's investiture agreement, but it seems that the process has stalled.

— No, it's not stalled. The process is very much alive; negotiations continue, as does the educational work needed to secure the 26 affirmative votes. A majority of member states have already stated, repeatedly and explicitly, that they have no problem with Catalan, as well as Basque and Galician, becoming official languages ​​of the European Union. It's true that some states have requested more time because they feel they need further clarification on some of the consequences. And that's the work being done. I'm optimistic and believe that the moment will come when all countries will explicitly state their agreement with such an obvious and just decision.

I'll end as we began: in a few words, what should Catalonia be for Europe?

— A driving force behind this process of European integration is a society that, in some way, leads the evolution that the European Union itself must undertake in the coming years. We have always said that Catalan society is very pro-European. Therefore, we must also assume a certain responsibility in strengthening Europe, which, I insist, is our only possible shared and positive future.