

The PP already has the Cerdán case. Certainly, there was a case. But what it wants is the Sánchez case: big game. The noose around the Spanish president continues to tighten. The PP has temporarily put aside internal differences, Ayuso has taken a break from her barely buried fight with Feijóo, and now they are trying to squeeze the most out of the fall into the depths of corruption of the man who until four days ago was the PSOE's organizational secretary. This Monday, the investigating judge of the Supreme Court, Leopoldo Puente, urged by the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor Alejandro Luzón—reserved and independent, with a solid professional career—ordered imprisonment without bail for Santos Cerdán, an extreme that had not been reached with the other two members of the allegedly snatched trio, former minister José Luis Ábalos and Koldo García, for whom only Precautionary measures have been issued, such as the revocation of his passport and the obligation to appear in court every two weeks.
Cerdán has been given no consideration, and he is already in Soto del Real prison. Investigated for the crimes of organized crime, bribery, and influence peddling, he is being held responsible for the plot and imprisoned due to the danger of destroying evidence. He, on the other hand, speaks of "political persecution." In reality, these are not two incompatible versions. In any case, the accused's lawyer, Benet Salellas, has been given a complicated task: perhaps this time the Civil Guard's UCO (Union of the Civil Guard) is not so far off the mark. The audio recordings speak for themselves: Salellas questions them; the judge accepts them as valid and considers them incriminating: "The vague and generic challenge to the authenticity of the recordings, however legitimate it may be, lacks even the slightest consistency," he says.
The PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party) and Sánchez have distanced themselves completely and immediately from Cerdán, but they're not entirely sure. Neither the party nor the government dares to say much in case more rubbish comes out from under the political rug. Most of Sánchez's parliamentary partners are also maintaining a prudent silence. Meanwhile, the PP (People's Party) and Vox (Vox) are euphoric and rubbing their hands together.
This is the question: whether the plot will reach the PSOE as an organization, which would be politically lethal to Sánchez's survival. In fact, the judge believes that, taking into account the amounts of the public contracts with which the suspects worked, there could be more money defrauded—commissions in exchange for public works—and more people implicated and benefiting, whether individuals or organizations. And this last, generic concept would point to the possible involvement of the Socialist Party.
The atmosphere in Madrid is highly charged. The media spotlight is deafening. Sánchez is a specialist in resisting and surviving by doubling down. We'll see if he can do it this time. It won't be easy. Two collaborators from his closest circle, the party's organizational secretaries, failed him in a short time. The judicial and political games are wide open.