Over the last decade, far-right parties have gained ground across Europe and beyond. Social sciences have identified factors such as globalization, immigration, and economic insecurity as key drivers of this electoral shift. However, one factor has received surprisingly little attention: gender equality issues. As societies move towards greater equality between men and women, a segment of the electorate is reacting against these changes. Far-right parties in Spain (Vox), Italy (Lega), and other countries have placed opposition to feminism and the defense of traditional gender roles at the center of their platforms. They deny discrimination against women and present feminist movements as a threat to social stability. This discourse resonates with voters who hold sexist attitudes or feel uncomfortable with the changing roles between men and women.
A growing body of rigorous research documents this reaction. Eva Anduiza and Guillem Rico (Autonomous University of Barcelona) show that in Spain, sexist attitudes – the denial of discrimination against women and opposition to corrective policies – are one of the strongest predictors of voting for Vox, second only to left-right ideology. They find that people who became more sexist during the wave of feminist mobilizations in 2018 were more likely to switch their vote to Vox in 2019. The reaction was not a stable predisposition: it was a real-time response to feminist advances.
Another study that I co-authored with Davide Cipullo and Federico Trombetta (Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milan), and Federico Franzoni and Elisa Muscarella (University of Barcelona and IEB) provides evidence from Italy showing that the election of a female mayor increases support for the Lega, one of the main far-right Italian parties. This reaction is concentrated in areas with stronger traditional masculinity norms – beliefs about how men should behave, such as being the breadwinner of the family, avoiding emotional vulnerability, and occupying positions of authority –. The reaction also seems to be amplified in more economically fragile contexts. Similarly, Margherita Negri (St. Andrews University) and Alessio Romarri (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona) find that in the United Kingdom, the election of female councilors shifts gender attitudes towards more conservative positions, an effect driven by men and amplified by economic insecurity.
Taken together, these studies from Spain, Italy, and the United Kingdom point to a consistent pattern: advances in gender equality can generate a backlash. Why should we care? Because gender equality is not just a matter of justice – it is also good for everyone –. Societies with greater gender equality tend to have higher economic growth, better health outcomes, and more effective institutions. The backlash documented by these studies threatens to slow or reverse these gains.
What emerges from this evidence is a potential disconnect. On the one hand, society is moving towards greater gender equality, with more women in positions of responsibility. On the other hand, conservative gender attitudes and entrenched masculinity norms – prescriptions about how men should act, what roles they should occupy, what emotions they should express – remain unchanged. When reality clashes with these norms, some men experience discomfort or resentment, and far-right parties offer a narrative that validates these feelings.
This contradiction raises important questions for public policy. What remedies can address this backlash? If the backlash is partly rooted in rigid conceptions of gender attitudes and masculinity, could education in schools and families contribute to transforming them? A study by Michela Carlana (Harvard Kennedy School) shows that teacher stereotypes – for example, the belief that boys are better at math than girls – affect girls' academic results and professional decisions. Stereotypes transmitted through education can perpetuate inequality from childhood. But the inverse path is also possible: research by Lídia Farré (IAE-CSIC), Christina Felfe (University of Konstanz), Libertad González (Universitat Pompeu Fabra), and Patrick Schneider (University of Konstanz) shows that children of fathers who had access to paternity leave in Spain develop more egalitarian attitudes. This evidence suggests that exposure to less stereotyped parental roles during childhood can change norms across generations.
Should schools and families do more to educate boys in a social role compatible with gender equality, rather than remaining anchored in traditional gender and masculinity norms? Should public policies be designed not only to promote the advancement of women in society, but also to help men navigate a changing world? These are not partisan questions. They are evidence-based questions, and they affect the kind of society we want to build, one in which progress towards equality does not generate a backlash that endangers it.
