More than 600 "speculative luxury" developments underway in the center of Barcelona

BarcelonaThe divide between the two Barcelonas caused by the housing crisis is becoming increasingly profound, accelerating the gentrification of some neighborhoods and the depopulation of others. This is confirmed by the latest report from the Federation of Neighborhood Associations of Barcelona (FAVB), entitled SOS HousingThe study, which found that in 2024 there were more than 600 large speculative housing developments underway in the Catalan capital, affecting more than 11,800 homes, mostly involved families forced to leave their homes due to the expiration of their rental contracts. These developments are part of "the typical operation of buying an entire building, evicting the residents, and renovating to sell at luxury prices," spokespeople stated. The study combines official data (from the Catalan Housing Agency, the Barcelona City Council, and the Barcelona Metropolitan Area) with fieldwork conducted with neighborhood associations. The spokesperson for the FAVB Housing Commission, Jaume Artigues, explained that between the first and second halves of last year, speculative housing developments increased from 477 to 619. Of these, the vast majority (568 transactions) were intended for sale: 30% after new construction and 70% subsequently. In total, according to the report, between 2016 and 2024, approximately 75,000 rental contracts expired without renewal, affecting some 180,000 residents.

And which areas are most affected? According to the report's authors, "speculation is concentrated primarily in areas with a limited presence of subsidized housing, although there are exceptions such as Ciutat Vella." This district and the Eixample—where subsidized housing is scarce—lead what the FAVB describes as "an expanding luxury market." This reality, they assert, accentuates social segregation and accelerates gentrification in peripheral areas.

The research also confirms that these types of developers have a "special interest and preference" for listed buildings. "Buildings listed in categories A, B, and C are excluded from the amendment to the Metropolitan General Plan that mandates 30 percent social housing in major renovation projects," Artigues reminded us. This is the way these developers have found, he continues, to maximize their profits without breaking the law. Furthermore, the fact that a building is listed helps them find "luxury" clients who value the fact that the building is recognized as a historical or artistic landmark.

Where are the social housing units?

And what is happening in the "other Barcelona"? Where are most of the social housing units located? The investigation by neighborhood associations coincides with other reports that place the majority of these units on the city's outskirts.

Lisa Marrani, spokesperson for the FAVB's Urban Planning Commission, explained that in 2024 Barcelona had 15,956 social housing units, less than 2% of the total housing stock and far below the European average, which hovers around 15%. The study also reveals a serious territorial imbalance: Sant Martí accounts for 30% of all social housing, followed by Sant Andreu with 17.8%, Nou Barris with 14.4%, and Sants-Montjuïc with 14%. Ciutat Vella stands out with 9.9%, and Horta-Guinardó with 6.9%. While Gràcia (with 2.4%), Les Corts (with 1.8%), Eixample (1.4%), and Sarrià-Sant Gervasi (1.3%) have practically none. Beyond the unequal distribution, the FAVB is concerned about the fact that there are fewer and fewer of them. "Almost half of these homes will lose their protected housing status before 2068: 7,407 will be declassified by 2038, almost 45% of the stock," Marrani explained. The federation also criticized the lack of transparency they claim the administration has when providing data. "The study has benefited from collaboration between different neighborhood associations, rigorous fieldwork, and constant and patient data collection," Menéndez emphasized. Possible solutions

To try to reverse this situation, the FAVB has called for the creation of a public database on the supply of housing, both public and private; the elimination of non-residential uses that "seize" housing, that is, tourist apartments, seasonal rentals, second homes or the concentration of businesses in apartments; which already represent almost 115,000 properties; the elimination of tax privileges for REITs and other investment companies; guaranteeing the perpetuity of subsidized housing and reversing the Montoro Law to eliminate the spending cap and allow the public administration to invest more money in public housing.