It has been a year and a half since the death of a key man for Catalan politics as was Lluís Prenafeta, right-hand man of former president Jordi Pujol and representative of a way of doing things from Convergència since the restoration of the Generalitat. This Monday, a tribute event was held with prominent Convergent representatives such as former president Artur Mas; Pujol himself –who was the protagonist, with a speech of praise that he himself jokingly said was "a torture" for the audience–; former mayor of Barcelona Xavier Trias; the leader of Junts in the Catalan capital, Jordi Martí Galbis; former ministers Quim Forn and Germà Gordó –president of Convergents–, and former CDC leader, David Madí. The Espai Línia was packed to the rafters, so Gordó and Madí had to remain standing the whole time.

The lawyer Joan Piqué Vidal, known for having led the defense of Jordi Pujol in the Banca Catalana case and having been convicted later for corruption, died in Castelldefels on October 7th at the age of 93. His life is the story of a fall. From being one of the most influential lawyers in Catalonia in the 90s, a member of what was then known as golden robes, he went on to enter prison following the Estivill case and to fall into absolute discredit, the example of what someone who believes in the functioning of the law must never do.

The former president of the Generalitat Jordi Pujol sponsored this Thursday the Paral·lel 41 Foundation, which aims to relaunch Catalanism. This think tank, chaired and promoted by the former Minister of Foreign Affairs Victòria Alsina, aims to "update" the political movement and make it return to the "center of consensus," and was presented at an event at the La Pedrera auditorium, filled with former Convergent officials. Alsina, a Junts councilor in Barcelona and member of the national executive of Carles Puigdemont's party, aims to transcend the Convergent space and ensure that Catalanism returns to being a protagonist in the country. A political concept that encompasses diverse sensibilities and is not limited exclusively to independence, but recovers the nature of Artur Mas's 'casa gran' and CiU in general, but wants to go further in the ideological spectrum.

On July 24th, there was a moment at the church of Sant Domènec in Balaguer when everyone looked back. The tap-tap; tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap moved along the central aisle at the speed that President Jordi Pujol always maintains. Seen and gone. He parked without saying a word. Few words. But it came out of him from who knows where: “What a man!” That is how he said goodbye to his friend: Josep Vallverdú.

I hear President Pujol on Catalunya Ràdio delivering a message for this National Day, with the most vibrant tone that his 96 years allow him. He still retains the craft of a politician who has dedicated his whole life to addressing the hearts of the people. He may lose strength in his voice and clarity in his diction, but not his skill or his intention: "We have the capacity to build a great Catalonia".He speaks from a full awareness of the present (“the country is experiencing complicated moments, of disillusionment and of people who are losing hope"). He returns, of course, to the core of his thought: the Eleventh of September is the "celebration of all those who live and work in Catalonia and want to be Catalan", and he prescribes going there, knowing that there is moral discouragement: "Faith and optimism can be spread if there is a desire and will to continue being and to move forward".To instill some kind of faith or optimism in people, governments must speak, above all, through deeds. The disillusionment and hopelessness that Pujol speaks of are based on real facts that have to do with the state of public services, the impoverishment of the majority, the frustration and disbandment post-Procés, and the umpteenth confirmation that autonomy falls short in solving problems that require sovereignty.And yet, in Pujol’s fading voice one can sense, without reproach, the reminder of the activists who did everything when there were no tools, because the beginning of all things is not the legal framework or economic funding, but the will. In the Kennedy-esque manner, it is a do not ask what Catalonia can do for you, but whether you still believe in it and are willing to join forces to return to it.

The Transition in Catalonia posed a double challenge for the post-Franco authorities. On one hand, a unified opposition movement had taken hold with a clear demand for self-government. On the other, Catalan society was ideologically positioned on the left, with a weight of communists and socialists unprecedented in the Spains and, therefore, susceptible to leading the democratic autonomism. Seen from Madrid—and contradicting the cliché of “rather a red Spain than a broken one”—, the second eventuality was more feared than the first, given that it was seen as possible to control a future Generalitat through a reduction (or subsequently harmonization) of powers and/or an institution in more favorable hands (the local UCD) or in representatives capable of confronting the Marxist bias (be it the historic Josep Tarradellas, or the rising Jordi Pujol).At least that is the working hypothesis of the economist and historian Eloi Gummà (Barcelona, 1996). Based on his doctoral thesis, From Anti-Francoism to Pujolism (Akal) he attempts to explain how Catalonia went from a democratic opposition leaning to the left to an autonomism leaning towards the right. That is to say, through what circumstances the reference party went from being the PSUC to the Convergència i Unió coalition, and the collective leadership represented by the Assembly of Catalonia was ceded to the personalism of Jordi Pujol.The fight for hegemony

According to Gummà, the explanation must be sought, as stated in the book's subtitle, in "the struggle for hegemony". The global neoliberal wave at the end of the Cold War synchronized with the counterattack led in Spain by the governments in Madrid and by the employers' associations. It was about political and economic initiative against the left, the unions... In this sense, the author's ambition, to raise pertinent and uncomfortable questions and to place the Catalan narrative within international dynamics, is to be appreciated. Even more so for doing it in Catalan –despite some inconsistency when translating the citations–, within this new essay collection (Veus de Clio), directed by the historian –and author of the prologue and director of the thesis– Xavier Domènech.The complicity between Gummà and Domènech is evident—not only because of the occasional informal 'Xavi' that we read. Both of them belong to the historiographical school that, starting from the now emeritus Pere Ysàs and Carme Molinero, has vindicated the decisive role played by the communist environment in making the continuity of the dictatorship impossible upon Franco's death, in mending the Catalan social fabric, and in positioning Catalonia as a spur for democratic and autonomous demands. However, this genealogy is not exempt from some debatable interpretations.On the one hand, there is a certain Manichaeism in characterizing the unitary anti-Francoism around the PSUC as the ideal, perhaps without bearing in mind that democratic dynamics needed to integrate sectors that did not participate in the struggle for freedoms. Without taking importance away from the role of the opponents, they represented only a part of the entire citizen universe. On the other hand, there is an uncritical acceptance of the image created by Pujolism itself. Certainly, for 23 years the Generalitat acted as if it were a national and hegemonic government. However, in those same years we have a vote differential (lower participation in regional elections) and consolidated majorities in favor of the left in many municipalities (including the large ones) and, above all, in Madrid. Sometimes, the temptation of conspiracy theories can distract us from more mundane explanations.

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The acceleration of life – things happen faster and faster and we do more and more things at the same time – stresses us out and distracts us from what is essential. In contrast, there is a value that is once again gaining importance: continuity, permanence. The prestige of what is lasting. Antiquity. When everything is ephemeral and fungible and obsolescent; when objects and ideas and friendships seem to be made to be used and thrown away; when people, in addition to being consumers thirsty for sensations and objects with an expiration date, have also become non-reusable consumable subjects, then it is especially attractive to encounter something that comes from afar and persists: a lineage, a landscape, a classic book, a monumental building, a belief, a company, an association, a love...

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Surrounded by the top brass of Junts, former president Jordi Pujol received a major tribute this Saturday to his political legacy at the hands of the Joventut Nacionalista de Catalunya (JNC). In Planoles, a symbolic municipality for the Junts youth wing, Pujol launched a powerful message in favor of immigrant integration, which was heard by the President of the Parliament, Josep Rull; the Junts general secretary, Jordi Turull; the deputy to the presidency, Albert Batet; the president of the parliamentary group, Mònica Sales; and the Barcelona municipal leader, Jordi Martí; as well as former convergent leaders such as former minister Irene Rigau, Jordi Xuclà, Marta Pascal and Carles Campuzano, who is now an ERC deputy. Pujol stressed that Catalans have the duty "to maintain the language, to transmit a culture, to integrate people who come from outside and to bring them together", as well as to "work hard and not give up".

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A few days ago, a particularly emblematic event took place: the handover of the documentary fund of Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya to the National Archive, located in Sant Cugat del Vallès. The event was attended by the highest institutional representatives of the country, presidents Salvador Illa and Josep Rull, and had a symbolic and emotional charge, more of feeling than nostalgia, with readings related to the present and future of Catalonia. The fact that President Jordi Pujol attended the event helped to convey a sense of living history and a red thread of a national project, linking recent history with current concerns and challenges.

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The praise that President Salvador Illa has dedicated to Jordi Pujol and Convergència has done a good to the public life of the country.

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Jordi Pujol reappeared this Monday to put a face to the donation that the party he founded, Convergència, has made to the National Archive of Catalonia. The formation has donated its documentary collection in an act presided over by the head of the Catalan executive, Salvador Illa. In fact, the socialist president has once again heaped praise on Pujol: he has acknowledged his "work and political passion in the service of the country." Praise that he also extended to Convergència: "Catalonia owes a lot to Convergència and Catalonia, without Convergència, it would not have been the country it is today." The president has described the 150 linear meters of documents, posters, and merchandise of the party as a "collective treasure."

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4,311 days after Jordi Pujol's confession, the trial against his family has been postponed for sentencing. In between, there has been an arduous judicial investigation that lasted six years, an eight-month stay in prison for the eldest son of the former President of the Generalitat, and a sum of 80,000 pages. On November 24, 2025, the National Court kicked off the trial: 38 sessions, 200 witnesses, 17 defendants defended by the elite of Catalan criminal law, and two accusations. Three judges and one question to answer: was the fortune the Pujol family had in Andorra an inheritance or was it the fruit of corruption? These have been the best moments at the National Court.

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After six months and 38 sessions, the National Court puts an end to the Pujol case trial. It is time for the lawyers of the last seven businessmen to defend their conclusions and request their acquittal. One of those who has intervened is Carles Monguilod, lawyer for Gustavo Buesa. "During the investigation, at times I had a slight feeling that there was anA por ellos. Due to the actions of a certain police force, it seemed that the predicate offense [of money laundering] was being part of the Pujol family or being Catalan", he said. "I know that is not the case, I know that this court will not allow it and will conclude with an acquittal sentence", he concluded. He also took the opportunity to refute the slogan the prosecutor mentioned: "I have publicly confronted it. Spain has never stolen and this is an offense to Spaniards and cannot be tolerated". The Prosecutor's Office requests five years in prison for eight businessmen for the crimes of money laundering and document forgery.

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Despite the scarce media coverage in Madrid, this week has been key for the Pujol case. Fourteen years later, all the children have testified before the court presided over by Ricardo de Prada, who, after forcing the former president into an unnecessary trip to Madrid, excluded him from the case due to incapacity. This fact was not front-page news in any of the main newspapers published in the Spanish capital (though it was in Catalonia), despite the time dedicated to Pujol's figure during the Procés. It is clear that a page has been turned and now the battle is for the Aldamas, Koldos, Ábalos, and Kitchen.

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President Pujol wanted to testify in the trial that is taking place at the National Court. I am convinced that he wanted to do so for two reasons: because of his character, always a fighter; and because he considers himself innocent of the accusations that have been made against him for many years. He has enough lucidity to know that he wants to defend himself, but according to repeated medical opinions, he does not have enough mental agility to do so with full guarantees. Despite numerous pieces of evidence in this regard, they made him go to Madrid, in an act of hurtful insensitivity and pathetic dehumanization of justice.

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The “progressive” judge –or at least proposed by Podem– José Ricardo de Prada summoned President Jordi Pujol to the National Court in Madrid first thing Monday morning. More than making him testify, the intention was to subject him to another forensic examination to exhibit him as a wounded trophy, if not defeated. And this, to then be able to treat him as disabled and remove him from the case and keep open forever the suspicion of hypothetical guilt, something he himself wanted to defend himself against until the end. Perhaps therein lay the risk!

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Today the analysis could last as long as a news broadcast. Let's begin: today marks one year since the great blackout. April 28th. It was a day like today, more or less. We were heading into summer. Sunshine and mild temperatures. Lucky for us. And it started when the kids were at school and people were at work. And it ended at night. The responsibility for the blackout has been diluted in a chain of problems that occurred in a cascade, and nothing has happened here.Jordi Pujol has already slept at his home tonight, in Barcelona, where he arrived yesterday evening quite tired, with the frustration of not having been able to declare and of knowing that he has not been able to receive an acquittal of which he was convinced.Don't miss this chronicle by our delegate in Madrid, Núria Orriols, full of details about the two hours the former president spent at the National Court. They asked him which years he was president and he got it right, from 1980 to 2003. But when they asked him if he knew what he was being accused of, he started to ramble.But, above all, don't miss the in-depth reflection by Jordi Nieva-Fenoll, professor of procedural law at the University of Barcelona:

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Today the analysis could last as long as a TV news broadcast. Let's start: today marks one year since the big blackout. April 28th. It was a day like today, more or less. We were heading into summer. Sunshine and mild temperatures. Lucky for us. And it started when the kids were at school and people were at work. And it ended at night. The responsibility for the blackout has been diluted in a chain of problems that presented themselves in a cascade, and nothing has happened here.Jordi Pujol has already slept at his home tonight, in Barcelona, where he arrived yesterday evening quite tired, with the frustration of not having been able to declare and knowing that he has not been able to receive an acquittal of which he was convinced.Don't miss this chronicle by our delegate in Madrid, Núria Orriols, full of details about the two hours the former president spent at the National Court. They asked him what years he was president and he got it right, from 1980 to 2003. But when they asked him if he knew what he was accused of, he started to ramble.But, above all, don't miss the in-depth reflection by Jordi Nieva-Fenoll, professor of procedural law at the University of Barcelona:

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The last time there was similar expectation in San Fernando de Henares was on November 24 last year. A crowd of journalists waited from early morning in freezing cold for the arrival of the Pujol family. It was the day that what has been dubbed the trial of the decade began, although after that day the media spotlight has not been the same. In Madrid, comments in talk shows have been minimal in recent months, and the trial has not made headlines on any other day than the first. Until this Monday, April 27, when there were more or less the same journalists again, this time suffering from the heat and with maximum expectation due to the widely misunderstood decision of the tribunal president, Ricardo de Prada, to make Jordi Pujol appear in person in the Spanish capital. "He has discovered the Mediterranean Sea," quipped a lawyer, when they decided to exclude the former president from the case due to incapacity.

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In the end, Jordi Pujol's citation before the National High Court has been a kind of black whim (a capricho by Goya, who already denounced the abuses of power of the Spain of his time) by the court presided over by magistrate José Ricardo de Prada, who has not bothered to hide much his complacency in making the former Catalan president go through this grotesque episode. “The court does not want to fall into ageism,” he let slip, in an evident tone of mockery. In Madrid they have corroborated what had already been determined in Barcelona: that Pujol was not in physical or psychological condition to appear before a court. “Personal contact was essential,” insisted judge De Prada, light years away from acknowledging that he and the court had committed what in legal language is known as a monumental fuck-up. The most elementary common sense warned that the maneuver, besides being ugly, had no sense or content, beyond a gratuitous exhibition of power in greater abundance by ultranationalist Spain. But the most elementary common sense is something that cannot and should not be asked of the Spanish judiciary's leadership, because they are exempt from it.The episode recalls several things about justice in Spain. One, that slow justice is not justice and that when it takes ten, twelve, or fourteen years to judge things, it can happen, for example, that one of the accused (against whom, on the other hand, nothing has been proven) is already dead or in very poor health, as in this case. On the other hand, for the protagonists of the Kitchen case, which is being tried in the same National Court, the delay has been good for them to fuel the attacks of feigned amnesia with which they appear to testify. The mention of Kitchen leads us to the following questions: the different yardsticks of Spanish justice are also political. And this explains why De Prada and his court have fun mocking Pujol, while in the Kitchen courtroom, Judge Teresa Palacios takes care of interrupting or discrediting questions that might inconvenience Rajoy, De Cospedal, or Sáez de Santamaría, who not only do not receive any kind of vexatious treatment but arrive and leave with their heads held high. Placing justice at the service or against one political interest or another is one of the worst forms of perversion of the rule of law.This episode has also been a reminder that what we call the Catalonia-Spain conflict is the result of the sum of two weaknesses: that of Spain, which has never managed to complete, not even with the Civil War, its Jacobin and homogenizing national project (one state, one nation, one flag, one king, one language), and the weakness of Catalonia, which not only has not managed to get out of this national project of Spain, but also, to a large extent, does not want to get out of it. Spanish nationalism is boastful; Catalanism is victimist; both are resentful and rancorous. Nothing ever advances, or advances very little. Jordi Pujol is a complete personification of all this.

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