Vox's punishable lies about Companys

BarcelonaLast October, Vox tried to sabotage the Catalan Parliament's tribute to President Lluís Companys. 85th anniversary of his execution by the Franco regimeHe proceeded to hang highly visible posters around the chamber, labeling the executed president a "murderer" and accusing him of being responsible for the deaths of 8,352 Catalans. These actions led the Parliament's governing body to refer the members to the committee on the status of deputies to assess whether there had been a violation of the code of conduct. However, this newspaper has consulted several experts who believe it is possible to go further: to apply the Historical Memory Law and sanction Vox. The far-right's accusation is false: Companys led an operation to save tens of thousands of lives, including religious figures and right-wing citizens. The deaths of the eight thousand conservative Catalans, therefore, occurred despite Companys's immense humanitarian efforts. They were victims of the Red Terror, a period of uncontrolled violence following the failed 1936 coup in Catalonia between the violent radicalism of the CNT-FAI and the POUM, which Companys attempted to avert with mass evacuations. Arnau González Vilalta, the historian and author ofHumanitarianism, consulates, and dirty business (Editorial Base, 2020), when consulted by ARA, states that Vox's accusation "is manifestly unfair." He comments that "as the highest authority in the country, which was then practically independent, he was responsible for maintaining public order, but he did not control the streets." While emphasizing that he was "incapable" of safeguarding peaceful coexistence, he also notes that he was "directly responsible for saving" lives. "He tried to save the lives of everyone he could; the Generalitat allows thousands of people to leave," he asserts.

In his book, compiling port and consular documentation, he maintains that 27,998 people left the port of Barcelona, to which must be added those from Tarragona and Girona, as well as those who found other routes. The total number of evacuees recorded by the French consulate in Barcelona between 1936 and 1938 was 14,273, half of whom were Spanish nationals, and 2,142 were members of religious communities. An additional 17,955 evacuees arrived in Genoa by August 28th, their port of origin unidentified, of whom 13,725 came from the port of Barcelona. However, the specific number of Catalans rescued by the Generalitat (the Catalan government) through French evacuation is recorded in French registers, even including their full names, as cited by González and the historian Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté, and it stands at 6,630. Solé, also consulted by this newspaper, adds that "Companys tried to protect the buildings he believed were in danger, such as the cathedral, Poblet, and Montserrat, but also religious figures, right-wingers, and monarchists who were at risk," and "reached an agreement with the Italian and French consuls." He also says that "it must be understood that there was an unprecedented revolution with uncontrolled violence amidst a power vacuum" during a very specific period of time, and he differentiates it from the murders committed by the Franco regime during its forty years of dictatorship, "following orders" and sowing "terror against enemies." Likewise, historian Carles Santacana asserts that the Generalitat was "overwhelmed" and the only guarantee it found, in the face of armed crowds, was "to allow people to leave with safe-conduct passes." Solé summarizes that the total number of evacuees from the Principality approached 50,000 and adds that Vox says "an atrocity to attack the Catalan identity that Companys represents."

Cases

Historians document emblematic cases of evacuations facilitated by the Generalitat: the Cardinal Archbishop of Tarragona, Francisco de Asís Vidal i Barraquer; the Bishop of Girona, Josep Cartañà; the Abbot of Montserrat, Antoni M. Marcet; former members of parliament from the League such as Pere Rahola, Josep Puig i Cadafalch, and Lluís Duran i Ventosa; and prominent figures like the Marquis of Sentmenat and the FC Barcelona footballer Josep Samitier. Also included is a high-ranking official like Josep Anton Vandellòs, a demography scholar who survived by hiding in the Palau de la Generalitat before being evacuated; and the ministers themselves who signed the majority of safe-conduct passes, such as Josep Maria Espanya and Ventura Gassol, who were threatened for their humanitarian work.

Law

Beyond parliamentary regulations, does the attack on Companys clash with the memory law? Lawyer Marc Molins is clear that "it should be punishable." Spanish law, like the Catalan law currently being processed, considers as very serious offenses any demonstrations "that involve discrediting, contempt, or humiliation" of the victims of Francoism. "From the context, one can discern the intent to mock, given the means used—the posters—and the wording." killer"He emphasizes that they protect dignity and do not allow these "incompatible excesses." The financial penalty, in serious and very serious cases, would range from 2,000 euros to 150,000.

However, Solé, although he clearly sees that it should be punishable to sanction and curb "the display of ignorance by saying outrageous things" against the only president executed by Francoism thanks to collaboration with Nazism. In serious cases, the State Secretariat for Democratic Memory initiates the sanctioning procedure. This is pending the implementation of the Catalan law that would allow the Government of the Generalitat to impose sanctions.