The time for explanations: what happened in Ceuta?

MadridA high-voltage week for the Spanish government: with activity in Moncloa, where the first cabinet meeting after the summer break will be held, but above all with activity in Congress. Up to eight ministers from Pedro Sánchez's executive will appear to account for the management of the crisis in Ceuta, where many unknowns still remain.

"For now, it's all speculation. We haven't found the definitive key, and the most important thing is to clarify the facts [...] It is paramount, because more than 140 people have died," reflects Irene Fernández, a researcher and specialist in the Maghreb. Fernández adds that in any case the main message for the current Spanish government, the government of the future, and even the European Union is "how essential the southern neighbor [Morocco] is for maintaining border control and the stability of cities like Ceuta and Melilla".

The entry of tens of thousands of people who swam from Morocco on July 30th has triggered a tragedy and a still latent humanitarian crisis, but also a political clash with the opposition that is expected to erupt in the lower house next week. The PP, which wanted ministers to give explanations much earlier in the Senate, will take advantage of the scenario to launch itself again against the Spanish government, which it holds responsible for the crisis. The ministers will defend the executive's action: the first example will be the ability to have returned the vast majority of the more than 70,000 people who entered in a few hours – although the fluctuation of figures continues today.

The eight ministers who will appear are the Minister of Defense, Margarita Robles (Tuesday 25th), the Minister of Health, Mónica García (Wednesday 26th), the Minister of the Presidency and Justice, Félix Bolaños (Thursday 27th), the Minister of the Interior, Fernando Grande-Marlaska (Friday 28th); the Minister of Foreign Affairs, José Manuel Albares (Friday 28th); the Minister of Inclusion, Social Security and Migration, Elma Saiz (Friday 28th), the Minister of Childhood and Youth, Sira Rego (August 31st), and the last to join the list has been the Minister of Equality, Ana Redondo (Monday 31st).

Border control and returns

One of the big questions has loomed over Marlaska and Robles: did the secret services have prior information about the massive access of people to Ceuta on July 30? The government has denied it, but the PP has hinted at the contrary. The government of Ceuta has also reported that on July 17, it already warned of an "emergency" situation due to the increase in people trying to enter by swimming from Morocco and even called Moncloa. While waiting for what both ministers may say, the judge of the National Court María Tardón has taken a step forward to clarify the doubt, requesting information from the Civil Guard.

The government has pointed to a key role of social networks in the massive dissemination of the unfounded message that the border of Ceuta was open and that the reason was the Supreme Court ruling on the returns of those who entered by swimming. It raises the doubt of whether this digital space had been sufficiently monitored. For the moment, the Spanish executive and Brussels have announced a review of these networks, but no conclusions have emerged.

At the same time, the unprecedented deployment of state security forces in Ceuta and the control and reinforcement of the border have been central elements in recent weeks. In the opinion of the Popular Party, it was not only insufficient now, but it was already insufficient before the crisis. In any case, it served not only to cut off the entries at the root but also to expedite the immediate expulsion of the people who entered. During these returns, some images have raised alarms among NGOs due to possible illegalities. "Human rights have not been violated," Marlaska stated on August 4.

Diplomacy with Morocco

The other big question is whether there was passivity regarding border control by Morocco, as happened in 2021. The doubt gained more strength this August 15, when, faced with rumors of a new entry of people, the Alawite country multiplied border reinforcement and made it impossible, this time indeed, for an attempt at entry by immigrants to occur.

This passivity from Morocco is closely linked to the bilateral relationship between Madrid and Rabat and to another key question: Did the flood of people respond to new tensions between the two countries? To an instrumentalization by Morocco of immigrants to pressure Spain and Europe? In exchange for what?

At no time has the Spanish government directly pointed to the Alawite country, with whom a diplomatic clash has been sought to be avoided. Only Margarita Robles has had a tougher tone.

The person in charge of diplomacy is Albares, although Marlaksa also adopts this role due to her competencies at the border. "It is one of the reflections that must be made. The policy of outsourcing borders constitutes a source of vulnerability because it leaves the responsibility of maintaining sovereignty, which now concerns us so much, to a third country which, for its own interest, does not care about the transit of people and has incentives to use it politically, for economic compensation or political advantages. The increasing fortification of the border makes peripheral countries like Spain more vulnerable," indicates Fernández, who trusts that this reflection will be made by the administrations.

However, some have also wondered if the government will find itself in the need to negotiate some compensation with Mohamed VI's regime in exchange for maintaining the border reinforcement. "In this case, it seems difficult to me [...] We come from a very different context than in 2021. In theory, the relationship was now going through a honeymoon," indicates the CEARC researcher. The PP has not been alone in demanding more explanations from the government about Morocco's role. IU has gone further in reading the geopolitical dimension: "It is a hybrid attack with the United States and Israel".

Humanitarian aid

It has been just a week since the Spanish government began to focus media attention on humanitarian aid. The Ministers of Health and Migration have traveled to Ceuta. Previously, the head of Childhood and Youth had traveled there to address the reception of minors.

"What is the reason why a state like Spain allows thousands of people to go three or four days without receiving water, food, and sleeping on the street?", the press asked the Minister of the Interior last August 4th. "These are initial day mismatches [...] they are being resolved quickly," stated Marlaska, who at the same time spoke of a return to "normality." A scenario that was later qualified and that everyone, especially the residents of Ceuta, considers will take time to arrive, as is still evident from the images coming from the autonomous city.

The NGOs on the ground were the ones who distributed the first meals among the immigrants (initially one a day), while the army's showers and water tanks did not arrive until a week later. The first spaces set up to prevent homelessness took more than twenty days, leaving more vulnerable profiles such as girls and women unprotected, who were taken in by many neighbors. Meanwhile, the solution for the reception and care of unaccompanied minors remains temporary. And doctors, who requested the activation of the emergency plan in case of catastrophes, pointed out in recent days that many immigrants continued to be unattended with injuries. From Inclusion, Social Security and Migration, it has been assured that the "calendar was being met", but organizations on the ground continue to denounce that it is "insufficient". "Once control over the border has been re-established, the focus has been placed on the humanitarian crisis, on the situation of minors [...] but it will take months or years to solve it," believes Fernández.