The least important law of the year

BarcelonaUntil recently, political leaders were quick to call the budget the most important law of the year. Legally, it is: it is specially protected—only governments can present it, and it is regulated both by the Constitution and by other laws that implement it. But, although it remains a sign of political stability, Budgets have ceased to be the commitment to the citizens that they once represented.

In Spain, only 6 of the last 10 budgets have been approved—out of the last 11 if we include the 2026 budget—and in Catalonia, the situation is even worse, with only 4 of the last 10 approved. Both administrations have demonstrated that it is possible to govern without budgets, to the point that they no longer even present them. Despite being a constitutional obligation, the Moncloa Palace has preferred not to submit the budget to the Congress for a vote, thus avoiding the possibility of losing the vote—although Sánchez has committed to presenting the 2026 budget to the lower house even without support. The last budget presented by Pedro Sánchez's government dates back to October 2022, three years ago. In the case of Salvador Illa's government, it has never presented a budget, although it was legally obligated to do so on at least two occasions, and it continues to operate with the extension of the 2023 budget, approved during Pere Aragonès's term as president.

The laws and the Constitution require governments to present their accounts, but this obligation carries no associated penalty, so minority presidents—it's been years since anyone has had a majority—choose not to repeat defeats like Aragonés's in 2024 or Sánchez's in 2019. Without the budgets, they couldn't continue governing. This 2025, The PP has requested the protection of the Constitutional Court in this situation.

The weight loss of the Parliament

As long as there are no issues with revenue, budget extensions allow governments to continue operating without too much difficulty, submitting to a vote any supplementary appropriations required by law. The problem, therefore, is not the lack of approved budgets. The problem is that these extensions symbolize, better than any other action, the progressive erosion of parliamentary debate and throw a wrench in the works of the legislative branch's oversight of the executive. Now, governance is by decree: the Catalan government has only passed three laws in the Catalan Parliament in the last year and a half, while 25 decree-laws—which reduce opposition oversight—have already been issued in the same period, a situation consistent with recent legislatures and also with what is happening in Spain.

It is clear that political polarization makes governing more difficult and that it is necessary to reach agreements among a multitude of parties, often ideologically opposed, as was the case with the majority that supported Pedro Sánchez's investiture. But if those who are supposed to enforce the laws and the Constitution fail to do so, the symbolic value that the budget had represented until now vanishes.

The week's details

This week saw a strike by healthcare workers, who were demanding improved working conditions from both the Spanish government and the Catalan regional government. As Christmas approached, the slogans and images displayed throughout the day sought to connect with the holiday, and the one that attracted the most attention was a reference to the Catalan Minister of Health. "Pané, caganer!" shouted some protesters, displaying an image of the minister as if she were the popular figure from Catalan nativity scenes.

When his appearance ended, the candidate to head the Anti-Fraud Office, Josep Tomàs Salàs, asked to speak to emphasize that his name isn't Salas, as all the groups had called him. "It's a losing battle. I love my parents very much, but I wasn't lucky with my surnames." His second surname is Darrocha. "The second one is a real head-scratcher; it's been spelled fifteen different ways," he confessed resignedly.