MadridOn the domestic front, the big news of recent days has been the visit to the Moncloa Palace by political interlocutors who are currently in Congress, but whom the Prime Minister, Pedro Sánchez, has preferred to convene individually. One might have thought that this option would result in a more or less confidential content, seeking an opportunity to obtain approximations that are more difficult to obtain in Congressional sessions. But this was not the case. The legislature continues to be dominated by strategies that respond to immediate interests. No one gives an inch of ground. Weakness cannot be shown. Sánchez's smile every time he received one of the guests for the dialogue on the new European priorities in defense and security has not reflected the atmosphere of the contacts.
The distrust, of all against all, remains evident. However, the new international situation and the rethinking of the priorities of the European Community are very directly challenging the political forces and demanding responsibility. This demand will weigh heavily on the shoulders of the Socialists and the Popular Party, who sooner or later will have to reconcile, because there's no point in fostering fictions. Since the PSOE converted to Atlanticism and risked its continued government with a referendum on Spain's continued membership in NATO, the differences with the PP on major defense decisions have been minimal, if we leave aside specific aspects or episodes that respond to a different logic, such as the Sahara or the war during Rajoy's presidency.
In the coming months, this dialogue must continue. And without too many complexes. The country has changed a lot since the experience of NATO membership. Almost everyone can understand that proposals to isolate a country like Spain, a medium-sized power in southern Europe, are long gone. Preparing for a different security framework, less dependent on the United States, is a necessity, and relatively urgent. Europe had to react, and it has done so, and is doing so. Sánchez is right when he explains that the opportunity must be seized to close ranks with countries, such as the Nordic and Baltic countries, which have been expecting solidarity to support their anguish since Putin began his invasion of Ukraine more than three years ago. In fact, Trump's victory and the change in the Americans' position regarding Europe have precipitated decisions that should have been made years ago. Of course, since 2014, for example, with Russia's annexation of the Crimean peninsula.
Sánchez, who has always sought to give international exposure to his performance as president, is well aware of the challenge that this radical shift in European thinking poses for Spain in order to guarantee its security. His coalition government is taking a risk both at home and abroad. Perhaps this is also why he shows such unusual deference in receiving the leaders and spokespersons of the parties with parliamentary representation, excluding Vox, at the Moncloa Palace. But kindness and occasional smiles must be compatible with two types of loyalty. Firstly, the one that must be maintained with Spanish society to avoid sleight of hand and conceal information about the costs of the operation. we defend EuropeThis means giving Parliament an essential role in overseeing government action in this area. And, secondly, it must be able to uphold its commitment to prevent new military and security spending—on cybersecurity, for example—from harming the broad range of social policies that the PSOE has sought to promote in parallel with economic growth. The role of Podemos and Sumar should be more oriented in this direction.
In the case of the former, it will be difficult because they remain entrenched in a mentality rooted in deep history and ideology, which has a touch of naiveté. It's better to spend on hospitals and schools than on weapons. Just ask the Palestinians in Gaza. I don't know how many healthcare centers and classrooms they have left untouched in their territory, which Trump wants to turn into a luxury tourist paradise. On the other hand, in the case of Sumar, there should be no need to repeat scenes like the recent meeting between Pedro Sánchez and Yolanda Díaz, if only because they both sit on the Council of Ministers. The vice president has her electoral needs, but she won't fill them from the seats of the Moncloa Palace. Instead, she will persevere in the social aspect of government action, which, for the reasons stated, must be protected and guaranteed.
Feijóo's role
For Feijóo, this situation should represent an opportunity. At the beginning of the term, the PP leader proposed, among other possibilities, a certain sharing of government space and time with the PSOE, asking to be allowed to launch and analyze the results two years later. It was certainly an odd proposal, more typical of municipal governments. But I wonder what he would be saying and asking now if the Socialists had allowed it, something implausible with Sánchez at the helm. What I want to get at is the observation that European rearmament does not allow for dissent between the government and the Popular Party opposition. Vox has already filled its quota with Abascal's visits to some events in Washington in recent months, and with four hugs in Milei. Feijóo's role must aspire to be more consistent and serious. The Popular Party leader is not a 21st-century Manuel Fraga. The Spanish right's off-center behavior regarding NATO membership is unrepeatable. The point isn't that the PP should rush to Sánchez's aid, but rather that it should seize the opportunity to strengthen its image as a governing party despite Mazón.
Meanwhile, in Catalonia, active, rather than contemplative, participation and patience are in order. We've stopped talking about financing, fiscal sovereignty, border control, and immigration. Now all this seems small compared to the new global disorder. But the goal should be the same: to avoid virtual politics, engage in debates when necessary, and seize opportunities when they arise. This too is a challenge, I can assure you.
