Sánchez prepares for cohabitation with Junts after the divorce

MadridPedro Sánchez longs to jump onto the demolished Vicente Calderón stadium to the rhythm of Guns N' Roses. He now confesses he doesn't have time to go to concerts and festivals, but when he leaves his political responsibilities, it will be one of the first things he tries to get back to. However, this won't happen for "many years." Much to the chagrin of those who are asking him to call elections—PP leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo did so again this Wednesday—Sánchez is maintaining this attitude as he reaches the midpoint of his term.He was sworn in exactly two years ago—or at least that's what he claimed on the program's microphones Generation YaOn Radio 3 this Thursday, the Spanish Prime Minister made a surprise appearance to discuss the latest music news and confessed that he's now hooked on the indie rock band. Destroyer –destroyer, in Catalan–. What will Mariano Rajoy, Albert Rivera, Pablo Iglesias, or Pablo Casado think?

No one would guess that the day before the radio talk show, Sánchez had faced Junts for the first time since Carles Puigdemont's party They announced the break with the Spanish governmentFrom the rostrum of the Congress of Deputies, Miriam Nogueras, the face of Junts in Madrid, didn't hesitate to call him "cynical" and "hypocritical." The decision by the Junts members to block all legislation (except those already agreed upon verbally) if pending pacts aren't resolved has plunged the legislature into one of its most delicate moments, if not the most delicate. Nor would anyone guess that while he was discussing Rosalía's new album with journalists from RNE, the Supreme Court magistrate was adjourning the trial of the Attorney General, whose innocence Sánchez has staunchly defended, leading to yet another clash with the judiciary.

But also on that same Thursday, the Advocate General of the European Union endorsed the bulk of the amnesty law, thus acquiescing to its implications. the return of Carles Puigdemont"Absolute victory," reacted an euphoric Justice Minister, Félix Bolaños. Congress also gave the green light to two laws: the sustainable mobility law and the customer service law. It is in steps like these that the Moncloa Palace clings to the argument that, despite all the despiteThis is a "stable" legislature. In fact, the Spanish government's calling card, when it makes a point of highlighting its achievements, is the 22 royal decree-laws it has approved (including extensions); the nineteen bills currently being processed or finalized in Parliament; and the seven regulatory changes that the PSOE has registered in Congress and that have already been published. Official State Gazette (BOE). In total, almost fifty reforms and laws, according to government sources. And among all of these, the amnesty law stands out, the source of the bitter pill of the investiture two years ago, but also of unprecedented demonstrations in front of the PSOE headquarters on Ferraz Street in Madrid.

Reluctantly Coexisting

But there's an underlying issue that no one ignores, not even Sánchez, and it has become the shadow of this legislature since its inception: "Frankly, none of us are thrilled with the parliamentary arithmetic that emerged [from the 2023 elections]," Sánchez told Nogueras this Wednesday. They all coexist reluctantly, and that's where the problem lies. Because while necessity has proven to be a virtue, as Sánchez has argued, in the case of the judicial amnesty for all those involved in the process, the feeling of unease is difficult to conceal. Both in the PSOE and in Junts, but also in the other forces of the investiture bloc that some dubbed progressive, it has eventually settled on the label of plurinational.

"Junts will continue to make gestures, and it's possible they'll do so more forcefully in the coming months," predicts a veteran former deputy. Beyond the breaches they denounce on the part of the Socialists, Carles Puigdemont's party is eyeing the growth of Aliança with suspicion, while the confrontation with ERC continues, at least in Madrid. Although the Socialists are doing everything they can to accommodate the Catalan nationalists, their tone is a stumbling block when it comes to claiming that everything is working out. And, meanwhile, their left-wing partners are lamenting how some of their aspirations are faltering: there is no tax on energy companies, the reduction of the working day has been derailed, and the gag law It continues to gather dust. But the most paradigmatic example of this devilish puzzle is the fact that Sánchez is on track to become the only Spanish president to complete an entire term without having passed a national budget, even though it is the cornerstone of a government's agenda.

In the corporate world, the situation isn't causing too much concern. "There are no major changes, neither for better nor for worse," agree sources from the Spanish and Catalan employers' associations. And although Spain is experiencing a moment of macroeconomic boom—Sánchez boasts about it every day—at street level, the headaches persist: rental prices are sky-high, filling the shopping basket is more expensive than a year ago, and demographic change, with migration as a challenge, is causing some people to feel uneasy.

Added to all this are the legal cases that are cornering the Socialists and, consequently, Pedro Sánchez. The images of the UCO (Central Operative Unit of the Civil Guard) entering the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party) headquarters, or the imprisonment of Santos Cerdán, who until recently was its number three, didn't bring the legislature to a halt, although they did create a significant rift in the relationship with its coalition partners, but they do fuel the right and far right.

An escape valve

But all these challenges have found an outlet: the regional election calendar, which kicks off with Extremadura on December 21. That the electoral machinery has been set in motion became clear on Wednesday, when Sánchez used his appearance to contrast governing models: that of the right and far right in the regions he governs, versus his own. "Casinos" or "welfare state," to paraphrase Sánchez himself. "It's normal for him to contrast models, but not because there are elections," sources at Moncloa Palace say. This electoral race, which will continue with Andalusia and Castile and León, gives the government breathing room to reopen the floodgates of ideological battle at a time when Alberto Núñez Feijóo's People's Party (PP) openly admits it lacks the majority to present a motion of no confidence. Such a plan isn't even on the table in Waterloo. "It's just part of the Madrid rumor mill," a source at the ARA newspaper summarized. "Given a PP with weak leadership and in the hands of the far right, there's still a long way to go. The prospect of serving out the full term is clear," insist sources at Moncloa Palace.

Although the People's Party (PP) is trying to win over Junts, with whom informal talks were ongoing until two weeks ago to explore economic agreements, a source says that the PP's delicate balance with Vox makes any serious rapprochement unlikely. The same applies to the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV). Some voices, including that of Gabriel Rufián, predict that a future alliance is being forged behind the scenes. "As long as Santiago Abascal's party is involved, it's incompatible for all parties," the same source insists. For this reason, some Socialist Party (PSOE) deputies illustrate their relationship with Junts with this analogy: "There are couples who divorce but continue living together," a PSOE parliamentarian remarked in the halls of Congress, just after Thursday's vote. "Anyone who thinks we'll vote for everything the PP presents just to spite the PSOE is mistaken," a Junts spokesperson added.

In any case, in the heart of the Spanish capital, with the Congress of Deputies as its epicenter, they have been living for two years with Sánchez's plot twists. "You always have to have something pending [to do]," the head of the Spanish government commented on Ràdio 3. In the music scene, he has revealed that he has never been to Sónar in Barcelona. In politics, for the moment, he continues to hold his ace in the hole.