Pedro Sánchez takes refuge in cinema

MadridIt could metaphorically explain Spanish politics that Pedro Sánchez went to the cinema with Begoña Gómez on Wednesday night, while in Congress his second vice president, Yolanda Díaz, defended the reduction of the working day alone and lost. The Spanish president and his wife, who had gone to court that morning to testify before Judge Juan Carlos Peinado, went to the premiere ofThe captive, Alejandro Amenábar's new film. Sánchez is today a president captive of a part of the judiciary—he himself has opened the year by denouncing that there are judges who "play politics"—and of the seven Junts votes in Congress, and he is rowing against a media wave that collaborates with the "Whoever can make it happen" by former Spanish president José María Aznar. This week Sánchez made his TikTok debut.

The Moncloa has long been obsessed with the right-wing bias of the traditional media ecosystem – television, radio and newspapers – but RTVE intervened to compensate RTVE for a digital universe that is very difficult to control. On Monday, in a menu bar on Ferraz Street, next to the PSOE headquarters, an elderly woman left a comment on the podcast of a YouTuber far-right that in that episode titled: "CNI agents ask Felipe VI for help: "We can't take it anymore." Without even listening to him, the woman wrote: "The king is neither here nor expected; if not, the people, the CNI, the UCO..." In conventional spaces, the musician Nacho Cano insinuates a military coup d'état and on social networks one of the summer chants at concerts and clubs goes viral. He goes like this: "Pedro Sánchez, son of a bitch".

Thanks to the PP, within the Madrid M-30 the "I like fruit"[the "son of a bitch" that Isabel Díaz Ayuso dedicated to Sánchez] and on Wednesday the first control session in Congress of the new course became a discussion between the PSOE and the PP about who insults (more) and who doesn't. The day ended, however, with a heated and "interesting" debate - they agree No Carles Puigdemont's party, along with the PP and Vox, prevented even the flagship project of Sumar leader Yolanda Díaz from being processed. The Spanish president was at the cinema and didn't vote. "He had an agenda and it wasn't necessary [for him to vote], unfortunately," they explain at the Moncloa Palace.

The role of Juntos

Sánchez's absence—and the fact that only the Minister of the Presidency, Félix Bolaños, attended part of the debate—which his entourage insists on disassociating from any political interpretation, shows how the PSOE sought to distance itself from the parliamentary defeat. In fact, both coalition partners made it clear that this was Yolanda Díaz's flagship measure: the negotiation was primarily piloted by the Ministry of Labor, and Sumar put it to a vote without guaranteed support. The second vice president's speech against Junts was extremely harsh., with accusations against its spokesperson, Míriam Nogueras, of defending the "interests of capital" and the "most reactionary sectors of Spanish employers." It was surely the final clue that the reduction of working hours was more a card played by candidate Díaz than a measure by the Sánchez government, which throughout this term has barely raised its tone even once against Junts. Quite the contrary, the PSOE leader tends to appear conciliatory.

The fact that the episode of the reduction of working hours has its peculiarities does not prevent it from also exposing a reality inherent to the legislature: the plurinational majority collapses in the face of left-wing measures, as has been demonstrated when attempts have been made to approve taxes on energy rents and certain migrant measures. In the latter case, the PSOE had to accept a delegation of immigration powers to the Generalitat, pending finalization, and regarding seasonal rentals, Junts finally agreed to process a bill in the second round, but it has been in the amendment phase since January. Conversely, the plurinational majority also breaks down when there are gestures with Junts, because it jumps to Podemos.

In short, Sánchez being able to approve a budget seems unrealistic. Given this context, the Moncloa has already decided that the narrative from now on will be to emphasize that, regardless of whether the Spanish government is more or less stable, if legislative initiatives fail to move forward, it is partly the responsibility of those who vote against them. This applies to Junts and the PP, and responds to a pre-election logic. It's no surprise that the CIS barometer released on Thursday placed Vox's electoral prospects so close to the PP's – at 6.4 points – as never before in this term: Sánchez's hopes lie in dividing the vote on the right, that is, in Santiago Abascal growing at Feijóo's expense.

García Ortiz, judged

The main threat to the Spanish president's resistance manual comes from the justice system. While the Cerdán case progresses, the amnesty is delayed, a court with a conservative majority and with Manuel Marchena among its members The State Attorney General will judge this fallA conviction would be as controversial as it would be lethal for Sánchez, who has closed ranks to the bitter end with Álvaro García Ortiz over the alleged disclosure of a confidential email from Isabel Díaz Ayuso's partner. It's practically a given that the court won't agree on the verdict, unless it's to acquit him. The captive,fictionalized biographyLike a Miguel de Cervantes who tells stories to find ways out of his kidnapping, Sánchez also seeks refuge in cinema.