1. The latest CEO barometer indicated that Salvador Illa's PSC (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party) would win the elections again with the same number of seats that currently allow them to win, in a minority. The most striking headline was the rise of the far right. Vox is close to catching up with the PP in the Parliament, and, on the other hand, the rise of the Catalan Alliance would be practically at the same level as the decline of Junts (Junts). With Puigdemont as the leader, they managed to secure 35 seats in last year's elections, when the drought was identified as the main problem for the population. Today, the CEO (Central Council of Catalonia) gives them a maximum of 30 seats, despite remaining the second largest force. Catalonia needs a strong center-right party, one that is brave and can be voted for without having to secretly pick up the ballot. Or rather, there are a handful of hundreds of thousands of Catalans who need a party willing to govern, one that interprets the country as they see it. Flag, wallet, and well-being.
2. The analysis of the CEO results indicated these perverse connecting vessels that, with immigration at the center of all debates, gave to Sílvia Orriols's party what it took from Puigdemont's party. Certainly, Junts hasn't yet stumbled upon the sweet spot of the narrative. It doesn't dare say politically incorrect things, but it knows that if it doesn't speak clearly enough about this complicated management, thousands of votes will be chosen from it. This flight and mourning, these neglected policies, make it lose momentum. But there are many other points on which Junts could position itself in a space where, at the moment, there is no other Catalanist/nationalist/independence party that stands. It is doing so with its opposition to the reduction of the working day, but on the other hand, it is not clear with regard to taxation—wealth and inheritance taxes, which are a drain on many of those who voted for Jordi Pujol wholeheartedly. In his speeches on housing and airport expansion, for example, we find contradictory messages, with too much calculation and too little firmness. With a clear direction, decisive policies, and no hang-ups, he might be able to win back the voters he lost along the way.
3. Once Junts knows how it wants to play the game, it remains to be seen what its lineup will be. Who does it want as its candidate for the presidency of the Generalitat? Carles Puigdemont, as expected, has another concern: making the amnesty effective and being able to return home. Jordi Turull, at the head of the party, has had to swallow so many toads that he might be worn out by another gigantic challenge. Josep Rull, as speaker of the Parliament, is taking advantage of this opportunity to show his friendlier and more empathetic nature, without knowing whether this is a virtue or a defect that makes him the best possible candidate. Míriam Nogueras has made a name for herself in Madrid. She stands up, speaks her mind openly, and, despite some verbal excesses, her sweet populism appeals to the faithful. The four-man squad is completed by Antoni Castellà. The man who's always there, who started out in Unió, who ran on the Esquerra lists, who replaced Laura Borràs as a deputy, and who's now the vice president of Junts. If I were a novelist, I'd have a hunch that this character still has some important chapters to live on.
4. And what about Barcelona City Council? The municipal elections are two years away, and when it comes to unveiling a candidate, it seems the hottest issue is already under scrutiny. Juntos has been out of the Barcelona mayoralty for ten years now. Xavier Trias won the elections again in 2023, but having more councilors than anyone else (11) helped him regain the mayoralty. The strange last-minute clash between the PSC, Comuns, and PP, ordered from Madrid, left Trias with a snub nose and a historic tantrum. Two years have passed since that "I'll give you all a hat" moment. Juntos can't be distracted any longer, on the path to council irrelevance.
