The current situation is being entertained by WhatsApp messages from President Sánchez and his former minister and confidant, José Luis Ábalos, which are raising the temperature of the Madrid political cauldron. The content of the messages amounts to nothing more than gossip about the Prime Minister's tone in private with his confidant, but since the medium is the message, the publication of his words also serves as a warning. Through a proxy diary, Pedro Sánchez is told that his daily life is a constant threat and that close friends and power can become a ticking time bomb.
Meanwhile, in Barcelona, the Catalan government is beginning to experience the first crises and the erosion of its fragile parliamentary majority. Salvador Illa is diligently working on his image, his presence, and the support of the Spanish media. Having emerged as an adversary of the Madrid president, Isla's goal is to become her antithesis, to reduce the animosity toward Catalonia with the prospect of negotiating the new financing system and perhaps to build an alternative to Sánchez for when the time comes.
Grace period
In Catalonia, the grace period has ended, and its partners are scrutinizing every measure in the Generalitat and the City Council. Whether it's the budget credit increase, the tourist tax, or the 30% reserve for public housing land in the City Council. Language. President Isla has managed to sign the National Pact for Language with his investiture partners and the country's main cultural entities, but Junts has made it clear once again that it won't give the Socialist president any water. For Puigdemont, it's one thing to negotiate with one's teeth bared in Congress. Puigdemont still hinders political relations between parties today, as well as the updating and renewal of Junts. The internal silence will not be broken until Puigdemont returns. and repeatedly recording when she was twelve years old. The girl, with an already very complicated life, lived in a juvenile center. At least eleven identified victims and fourteen unidentified. Firms of boys who would not have occupied the places designated for job insertion programs. gaining ground in the public debate.
Avalanche of arrivals
According to the Ombudsman's Office's December 2021 report on the rights of children and adolescents, the DGAIA's budget increased by 39.8% between 2016 and 2020. In fact, the country faced a wave of mass arrivals, which was responded to, unlike what happened in many other autonomous communities. Society demanded that the children crowding into Mossos d'Esquadra police stations be taken in, and the management had to be swift and was not meticulous.
The number of new arrivals to the system increased from 362 in 2015 to 639 in 2016, 1,437 in 2017, 3,710 in 2018, 2,219 in 2012, and 1,268 in 2021. The administration often finds itself needing to respond to emergency situations in a clean but rapid manner, and it is clear that the administrative machinery is either excessively cumbersome or at risk of being affected by corruption or malpractice. The third sector is no exception. Public policies are needed to guarantee the inclusion and protection of children and adolescents, especially those in vulnerable situations. But we must also ensure that corruption or neglect do not derail citizen support for implementing measures that ensure the effective protection of the rights of children and adolescents, with special attention to those at risk of social exclusion. The lack of social cohesion is a gateway to collective failure.
