

The PSOE is tying up its support to make it to the end of the legislature and Junts and ERC are getting some nice fish to keep in their respective caves. This is what can be seen from the recent agreements of the Spanish government with the two pro-independence parties, now on migration with Junts and a few days ago with the forgiveness of the FLA's debt with ERC. The socialists are trying to give solidity to the investiture majority and the pro-independence parties want to show that they are useful even if they no longer have the Catalan government. At least these are the intentions; the results will be seen.
In Pedro Sánchez's mindset, reaching 2027 means not only completing the term of office, but also preparing for the next one. The PP already knows this, but its response is routine: accusing the Spanish president of being a traitor who sells Spain in pieces to the separatists to stay in power for one more season. This is true in part: the first rule in Sánchez's manual – not yet written – on how to maintain power is not to lose power.
From the logic of self-government, it makes sense that Catalonia wants and can manage the powers over immigration, more so than when it has already completed the deployment of the Mossos. However, it is also foreseeable that this will not ultimately be substantiated in a complete transfer, but in some kind of mixed formula. That is to say, that the Mossos will probably have to collaborate with the State security forces and bodies. And that the first word that an immigrant hears upon arriving at the Catalan border will not be a "good morning", as the neo-fascist Sílvia Orriols said she wanted, but some rather more abrupt phrase. Spoken in Spanish by a Mossos agent, of course.
Since we have mentioned this underworld, it is obvious that one of the main motivations of Junts to demand the transfer of the immigration portfolio, if not the main one, is to mark electoral territory before the Catalan Alliance and to warm up the electorate of the hardest right with promises of expulsions and a heavy hand with illegal immigration, which are things that always happen. Now, this does not justify the gesticulation of Podemos, which flatly refuses to approve the agreement between socialists and post-convergents so that immigration is not managed by "the right". It is difficult to sustain this in a state like Spain, where from time to time immigration is managed with massacres like the one three years ago in Melilla, from which Marlaska and the current government fled, blaming Morocco.
So far we have been talking about political parties. The question that remains unanswered, as always, is: what about immigrants? Until now, when they reach the Spanish borders, they are faced with a deportation protocol that consists of an accelerated administrative process, without judicial or other type of control, which can include immediate returns, express returns, internment in CIE, expulsion or return orders, and degrading treatment that disrespects rights. Will this change if the border they reach is Catalan?