

On June 25, at the NATO summit in The Hague, all member states unanimously agreed to "commit to investing 5% of GDP annually in basic defense needs, as well as in defense and security-related expenditures, by 2035.".
Despite signing this agreement, Spanish President Pedro Sánchez declared at a press conference the same day: "In other words, if we had accepted what was proposed, Spain would have to allocate more than 300 billion euros between now and 2045. Where does it come from? Where does it come from? Cuts to the education, healthcare, and pension systems? When I hear the leader of the opposition and the opposition criticize the position of the Spanish government, it is clear to me that if there were another president of the government here today, Spain would have signed for 5% of GDP for defense."
However, this decision was made by the states. NATO is currently made up of 32 states, 9 of which achieved independence after 1980. Of these 32 states, 15 have a smaller population than Catalonia and 17 have a lower GDP than Catalonia. have the instruments and resources of a state. In NATO, the European Union, and the UN, only states count. Sovereignty—full or partial—is essential for strategic decision-making in a globalized context. Given that they are currently well below this threshold, they have two options: more taxes or cuts in public services.
Now, if 5% of GDP represents such a large burden, it's worth asking: what does it mean for a society to lose 10% of its annual GDP? This is the case in Catalonia. The fiscal deficit—the difference between what Catalonia contributes and what it receives—was 9.8% of GDP in 2020 and 9.6% in 2021—data published by the current PSC government. This means that resources generated in Catalonia, worth more than €20 billion annually, have not been invested in infrastructure, public services, or the well-being of the population. To put this in context: Germany's net contribution to the European Union in 2023 was €20 billion, but Germany's GDP is fifteen times higher than Catalonia's.
This constant drain of 10% of GDP explains why Catalan public services are on the verge of collapse. Another Catalonia is possible. A Catalan Republic with the capacity to decide, like any other European state, where it allocates its resources. Then we can democratically debate everything important, including whether we want to invest 5% of our GDP in defense or prioritize other areas.
I am clear that for all of this, we did what we did on October 1, 2017. Because we knew, because we know, that Spain cannot do without the 10% it extracts not only from Catalonia, but from all the Catalan Countries. The great move of the transition was the coffee for everyone, idea of a brilliant Jacobinism in accordance with the Francoist slogan of everything is tied and well tied.
As long as Catalonia depends on the Spanish state, fundamental decisions will continue to be made in Madrid. And we will simply suffer the consequences. Dependence or independence, that is the question.