Vox whitewashes Mazón, and vice versa

An exchange of favors in the Valencian Community between a president cornered by the disastrous and dramatic management of the DANA (National Action Plan for the Elimination of Discrimination against Women) and a far-right that has taken advantage of his weakness to introduce its radical program of maximums. An increasingly socially and politically isolated Carlos Mazón suddenly manages to save the budget thanks to the endorsement and votes of the far-right, which in return sees the criminalization of immigration and climate denialism acquire the status of a government program.

Climate denialism as the new banner of the Valencian Government elevates a paradox that borders on obscenity to the maximum: if the climate sensitivity of Mazón's administration had been adequate, its reaction to the DANA would probably have been different, of course faster and undoubtedly much more responsible. More lives would have been saved. Now it turns out that Mazón's administration is adopting the denialist postulates as its own. Vox is whitewashing Mazón's criminal uselessness with the DANA, and vice versa: Mazón is giving wings to Abascal's party and his downright Trumpist rhetoric.

Let's see. Like the president of the United States, Vox wants to eliminate all funds allocated to the 2030 Agenda and Sustainable Development, in addition to the fees derived from the European Green Deal. It also demands that the Generalitat assume the sanctions that the EU or the State impose on municipalities that, without authorization, reduce vegetation in riverbeds and ravines. And in the field of immigration, more unbridled Trumpism: Vox demands the elimination of subsidies to NGOs that aid immigrants and the incorporation of "reliable" age-diagnostic tests for these people. Likewise, among other measures, it demands that the Valencian Community no longer accept unaccompanied minors, a gesture that represents a slap in the face to the national solidarity distribution policy of Pedro Sánchez's socialist government.

It's clear that what Abascal's party is doing is an adapted copy of the Trumpist platform: pointing to immigrants as the main culprits and labeling environmental protection as wasteful do-goodism. Of course, Vox adds its genuine ultra-nationalist Spanish touch, consisting of "significant" cuts to the budget of the Valencian Academy of Language and subsidies for the promotion of Valencian, in addition to reducing historical memory programs to a minimum.

With this exchange of cards, in the midst of a judicial siege, Mazón also gains political leverage against his own party. With no alternative for a hypothetical replacement in the Valencian Generalitat, the state PP has let him do it and, in the process, has reopened the door to collaboration with Vox. Feijóo sees how a tightrope-bound Mazón openly sets out the agenda for alliances with Abascal's party. The PP is thus distancing itself from the cordon sanitaire that, for example, the new triumphant leader of the German conservative right, Friedrich Merz, has adopted. He has made a pact with the Social Democrats and excluded the neo-Nazi Alice Weidel. In the Valencian Community, the Spanish right is taking a new step toward the far right.