The West turns its back on the Kurds after years of fighting the Islamic State

BeirutThe summit of the international coalition against the Islamic State, held this week in Riyadh, has left clear signs of a political change. Syria returns to the international tableWith the explicit support of Saudi Arabia and the United States, Damascus, after years of isolation, without Assad (the Syrian president overthrown a year ago who had tolerated the growth of the Islamic State in areas controlled by rebels and Kurds), has become a direct interlocutor in the fight against the Islamic State. And in this shift, the Kurds, who until now have been central partners in the Western strategy on the ground, are relegated to a secondary role. The meeting, co-chaired by the Saudi kingdom and the US, brought together representatives from the more than 80 member countries of the coalition. The Syrian presence was symbolic: it is a recognition of its active participation in the new coordination framework. With the presence of Tom Barrack, the US special envoy, the meeting concluded that the new plan relies on Syrian state institutions. Washington and Riyadh believe that, after more than a decade of war and sanctions, any lasting strategy against the Islamic State requires working with Damascus. At the summit, the US discourse focused on the need to normalize operational channels with the Syrian government to avoid security vacuums. Barrack argued that the current phase demands strengthening state and regional cooperation rather than relying exclusively on local armed actors; in other words, Washington is adjusting its priorities. This adjustment directly affects the Kurdish-dominated Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which for years has been the coalition's main ally in the northeast of the country. The SDF has spearheaded the offensive against the Islamic State's territorial caliphate and has paid a heavy human cost. They have controlled prisons holding thousands of jihadist fighters and administered camps like Al-Hol, where tens of thousands of relatives of group members are held. Their role has been crucial.

More prominence for Damascus and less for the Kurds

However, today the context is different. After losing effective control of large areas of the northeast And to advance in a reintegration process under Syrian state structures, its political margin has shrunk. The Riyadh summit consolidates this trend. The spotlight is now on Damascus. The SDF is no longer presented as an indispensable strategic partner, but as an actor called upon to integrate into a broader state framework.

Saudi Arabia had already signaled a rapprochement with Damascus, and the summit confirms it. Riyadh is committed to coordinating with Syria on security matters and combating the Islamic State, while political normalization takes a back seat. In recent years, Saudi Arabia has tried to reduce open fronts and maintain stability in the region. Adding Syria to the anti-Islamic State coalition is a step in that direction, without yet implying full political recognition of the new government of Ahmad Sharaa, a former Islamist guerrilla fighter elevated to president.

For the United States, the calculation is more complex. The current administration maintains a limited military presence in Syria, but seeks to reduce direct exposure. Transferring responsibilities to the Syrian state and regional actors allows for containing the risk of an Islamic State resurgence without expanding the US commitment. At the same time, Washington is trying to prevent the vacuum from being exclusively exploited by Russia or Iran.

Integrate with the Syrian state?

The summit's final communiqué stressed the urgency of preventing any resurgence of the jihadist group, strengthening security in detention centers, and accelerating the repatriation of foreigners linked to the Islamic State. Beyond the technical language, the message is clear. Although the group no longer controls territory, it retains active cells and the capacity to reorganize in rural and desert areas between Syria and Iraq. The question is whether the new approach will work. The Syrian state is regaining international legitimacy in security matters, but the country remains economically and socially fragmented. The reintegration of local structures, including Kurdish ones, is not without tensions. And trust between Damascus and its former adversaries is limited.

In the northeast, however, the situation is perceived with opposing feelings. Some Kurdish leaders assume that the era of broad autonomy is over and that political survival depends on negotiating spaces within the Syrian state. Others see the international shift as a sign of abandonment after years of military alliance with the West.

The Riyadh summit does not resolve all tensions, but it marks a clear change in regional strategy. Syria is no longer on the sidelines and is now at the center of the coordination against the Islamic State; the Kurds lose prominence; Saudi Arabia reinforces its role as mediator; and the United States reduces its direct intervention.