Almost a month after the massive influx of migrants to Ceuta, the Spanish Prime Minister, Pedro Sánchez, has convened the National Security Council this Tuesday at 9 a.m., according to state executive sources confirmed to ARA. It will be the same day that the Council of Ministers will meet again after the summer period and amidst the controversy over the humanitarian crisis in Ceuta and the management criticisms from the opposition. This Monday, PP spokesperson Borja Sémper, has lashed out at Sánchez, considering him absent and has accused La Moncloa of managing the situation in "flip-flops and swim trunks".

The Spanish right wing lives in anticipation of some catastrophe that will bring down Sánchez's government. They have been like this for eight years, and it's not that opportunities have been lacking: pandemic, wars, crises, natural disasters caused by fire and water, etc. There is also the corruption of the PSOE, which exists, but here they have the problem of the corruption of the right wing itself, which exists to a greater extent because it is structural. And finally there is immigration, which serves this type of right-wing to stir up hatreds, fears, and base instincts. With the crisis driven last week by Mohamed VI, halfway with Trump and Netanyahu, PP and Vox thought their opportunity had finally arrived, especially when some European countries appeared (ultraconservative Finland and the Italy of the fascist Meloni) that cried out to the heavens and even spoke of closing the Schengen area (which, by the way, is impossible, as no member state of the European Union can do it unilaterally). However, once again it did not quite work out for them. Some paid agitators, like Vito Quiles or Alvise Pérez, had to be escorted out of Ceuta by the police (in other places, like Palma, instead of protecting them, the agents prefer to beat citizens). Abascal, acting as a glorious admiral aboard a passenger ferry that he tried to pass off as a war frigate, managed to lose the patience even of the ultra Jiménez Losantos, who reproached him for his lack of patriotism. On the PP's side, the comic duo formed by Tellado and Feijóo has once again stammered their catastrophic discourse, which is already predictable and routine. Finally, Marlaska attended the meeting with the other European Interior ministers, and instead of a scolding, he managed to get general support.Faced with this failure, they have moved on to the second phase of the plan, which consists of initially resisting the reception of the quota of minors rescued in Ceuta corresponding to each autonomous community. The communities governed by the PP, many of them together with Vox, wanted to close themselves off in advance to receiving these minors (although they will eventually comply with the law, as they are also obliged to do so). Junts is added to this, which once again threatens Sánchez with withdrawing all support if he decides to send immigrant minors to Catalonia. It is the right wing that refuses to welcome, with a supposed discourse of protection of its own national integrity, or territorial, or whatever it may be, but which in reality is only a discourse of xenophobia and aporophobia, the hatred of the poor. In the case of Junts, it is somewhat pitiful to see them wallowing in this quagmire — so disrespectful of Pujol's thinking, which was always open to immigration — just to compete with the little fascists with espadrilles and carquinyolis from Aliança Catalana. As for Europe, the absence of a democratic right-wing leader like Merkel, who eleven years ago opened Germany to nearly a million people, mostly fleeing the war in Syria, is intensely felt. What a decline, in these eleven years, for the European right wing.

The Spanish government plans to activate Article 35 of the immigration law, which describes mandatory and solidarity-based reception by the rest of the autonomous communities when an "extraordinary migratory contingency" is declared. Ceuta finds itself in this situation and, therefore, this will be the next step the Spanish government will take to face the crisis the city has been experiencing since the massive arrival of migrants last week. Until now, the PP had left its position on this distribution up in the air, but this Wednesday the deputy secretary for Sectorial Coordination of the PP, Alma Ezcurra, confirmed that the autonomous communities governed by her party will comply with the law. They will thus participate in the distribution of the approximately 1,100 unaccompanied migrant minors – according to data released by the president of Ceuta – who have arrived in the autonomous city, although she has requested that the process be "fair" and "planned." She said this in an interview with Onda Cero, one day after Vox – a governing partner of the Popular Party in four communities – openly refused to take in these minors.

The next elections in Catalonia are scheduled for May 2027, but the parties have already begun a campaign that starts well before the official calendar. Catalan politics, marked by collective frustration following the failure of the independence process, channels some of this discontent toward immigration, making it the focus of political debate. This construction of narratives shapes public perception long before the polls open, and the parties respond to the demands of a segment of the population calling for greater immigration control. Thus, the immigration debate becomes the axis around which the new boundaries of Catalan identity and social cohesion are projected and negotiated.

The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) on Friday upheld Italy's designation of a safe country of origin, but stated that this classification must be subject to judicial review. The CJEU thus questions the legitimacy of the list of "safe countries" that Italy uses to send migrants to Albania while awaiting a decision on their asylum applications.