Orbán, the friend of Trump and Putin, a figurehead of the European far-right, a Trojan horse in the European Union, has fallen resoundingly at the polls. Let his continental imitators and those who whitewash them and aspire to deal with him take note. Here the imitators are called Orriols and Abascal. Perhaps people are starting to be fed up with discourses of hate, division, and confrontation. With hopeless, enraged, and fatalistic shouting. With "everything is shit." With those who, instead of proposing viable solutions to very serious structural problems, look for enemies under every stone every day, magnify them, feed them. With those who fuel chaos, like Trump does.

The expulsion of Javier Ortega Smith was the trigger that has allowed Vox's critics to light the fuse against the leadership. The definitive coup de grâce was on February 18, when the party kicked out the former Madrid leader, who, this time, has decided to go to war that he avoided during the January 2024 congress. This rebellion was followed by the Murcian leader, José Ángel Antelo, after the leadership offered him to be a regional candidate on the condition that he leave the provincial presidency, which he did not accept and was expelled from the group with an expediente to be eliminated. Vox's former spokesperson Iván Espinosa de los Monteros –who stepped down in August 2023 and already launched a foundation to influence last September–, joined in, activating the call for an extraordinary congress. And the resignation of the former Castilian-Leonese vice-president Juan García-Gallardo has also been added, who stepped down in February of last year. A series of movements that show the critics' offensive against the leadership of Santiago Abascal.

Vox has decided to expel the former vice-president of Castile and León, Juan García-Gallardo, for a very serious offense, as ARA has been able to confirm, and not long ago it also kicked out the former leader of the party in Madrid, Javier Ortega Smith – he is still in the City Council. Another figurehead of the Spanish far-right, Iván Espinosa de los Monteros, has shown himself to be equally or more critical than them of Santiago Abascal, but the party prefers, for the moment, not to act against him. The difference, according to sources from the party leadership, is that Espinosa "has not accused" anyone from the leadership of anything, but rather has criticized the party's political direction.

Isabel Díaz Ayuso and Santiago Abascal sitting on a powerful motorcycle painted with the Spanish flag. It is not a real image – nor AI – but a Fallas puppet exhibited this week in Valencia. Although there is no alliance between them in real life – rather a dispute over the same electoral space in Madrid – their radical speeches and the sympathies shared by the Madrid president and the Vox leader in the international arena make the vision of this tandem not particularly jarring to the spectators of the Fallas monuments. Abascal's ties with the far-right world leaders are official and organic – through alliances in the Eurochamber or with foundations of this ideological space – while Ayuso has them from a more symbolic perspective. This is what happens with Donald Trump.

While the rest of the morning magazines discussed the harsh disagreements within Vox, Espejo público echoed an apparently anecdotal event. Susanna Griso stopped her conversation with Albert Rivera, who is a political analyst for the program, to ask him if he had already seen Santiago Segura's film. The former leader of Citizens replied that he had it pending. The presenter explained that Santiago Abascal had indeed gone, and had been caught leaving the cinema. "Ok Diario surprises Abascal watching Torrente, president", said the headline on screen. But that exclusive from Eduardo Inda's digital media seemed anything but a surprise. It was clearly a staged event: it reeked of a pact between Vox and Inda. A reporter with Ok Diario's microphone at the entrance of the room reported: "In a few moments, Santiago Abascal will leave the cinema after watching Torrente, president and we didn't want to miss his reaction". Immediately, Abascal appeared accompanied by a large group of men cut from the same cloth: the beard, the haircut, the clothes and the body rigidity that characterize them. The henchmen surrounded the leader of Vox, suspiciously controlling the area, and Abascal quickly approached the reporter's microphone. The supposed humor of that situation is that Santiago Segura's film parodies Vox with Torrente at the helm.

Alberto Núñez Feijóo clings to the good results for the PP in Castile and León to try to corner Vox. In an interview this Tuesday on EsRadio, the Popular Party leader called on the far right to abandon its "political myopia" and "read the ballot boxes correctly." Feijóo accused Santiago Abascal's party of taking an "adolescent approach" to negotiations with the Popular Party in Extremadura, Aragon, and Castile and León and demanded they finalize a pact now. "If the PP has twice as many votes as you, and in some regions, three times as many, it is undemocratic to prevent this party from governing," he went so far as to say.

Argentine President Javier Milei will spend just over 24 hours in Madrid this weekend. The reason for his brief trip to the Spanish capital is the "dissertation" he will deliver this Saturday evening at the second edition of the Madrid Economic Forum, held at the Vistalegre Palace, which amounts to an ode to the most unrestrained capitalism. But before his speech, Milei took the opportunity to meet behind closed doors with various figures from the most liberal and ultraconservative sectors of the Spanish economic and political sphere, including the leader of Vox, Santiago Abascal. "It's always a pleasure to meet with my good friend and ally Javier Milei," the Vox leader stated in a message on the social network X.. "An international symbol of freedom who has returned Argentina to the path of prosperity and to the league of great nations," Abascal added. These words accompanied a photo of him with the Argentine president, who is wearing a work coat from the Argentine oil company YPF.

Santiago Abascal's defense of Benjamin Netanyahu's government is unquestionable, to the point that the Prime Minister of Israel has received a delegation from Vox to personally thank them for their support. The Spanish far-right makes a banner of its Islamophobia and has not hesitated to take sides in the conflict in Palestine. But there is a group of critics within Vox who, also on this issue, disagree with the leadership. These are precisely some of those who have recently been expelled from the party and others who left months ago. The dissenting nucleus in Madrid, led by Javier Ortega Smith, is targeting Israel and the "Zionist lobby." In addition to Ortega, Madrid councilwoman Carla Toscano, former leaders such as former Castilian-Leonese vice-president Juan García-Gallardo, former candidate for Pontevedra Antonio Budiño, former Catalan deputy Isabel Lázaro, and former congressman Víctor Sánchez del Real, are some of the visible faces.

The bitter war between the leader of Vox in Madrid, Javier Ortega Smith, and the leadership of Santiago Abascal has ended with the expulsion of the unruly player And with collateral effects. Two councilors loyal to the rebel, Ignacio Ansaldo and Carla Toscano, have also been expelled from the party, although they retain their seats and participated in this week's municipal plenary session, obstructing the leadership's decisions. Ortega Smith holds membership number 6, as he showed at a press conference, but what's most striking is Ansaldo's number 1. He is Ortega's most loyal henchman, unknown to the general public, but who once pulled strings behind the scenes.

Santiago Abascal is lashing out at the PP. The leader of Vox has lashed out this Tuesday against the ten-point document drawn up by the popular party to address negotiations with the far-right across the State and has denounced that they are being treated as "savages" to be "tamed". "The music sounds bad to me, it's a bad start," he lamented in an interview on Antena 3.

Santiago Abascal turns against the PP. The Vox leader has called the ten-point document prepared by the Popular Party to address the negotiations with the far-right across the country and has denounced that they are being treated like "savages" who need to be "tamed." "This sounds bad to me, it's starting off on the wrong foot," he lamented in an interview this Tuesday on Antena 3. Faced with the outrage of the far-right party, the Popular Party has argued that it is a "problem of interpretation." "There's a mistake. The document isn't for Vox, it's for the PP," Alberto Núñez Feijóo replied in statements to the halls of Congress. Abascal confessed his annoyance that the PP's ten-point plan refers to issues "obvious" to Vox, such as national unity, the constitutional framework, and the rule of law. He said he would understand highlighting them if the objective were agreements with Junts, for example. "But I don't understand it to make deals with Vox," he stressed. Within the ten-point "single and binding" framework document for addressing negotiations with Vox, another point concerns regional budgets. The text, to which ARA has had access, includes a demand that Abascal's party commit to approving the public accounts for an entire legislative term. All of this is taking place within the context of the back-and-forth negotiations for the investiture in Extremadura, which Feijóo has decided to lead alongside the candidate and acting president, María Guardiola. This oversight will also be extended to Jorge Azcón in Aragon, and the PP does not rule out extending it to Alfonso Fernández Mañueco in Castile and León if, after the March 15 elections, his dependence on the far right is also confirmed. Feijóo has insisted that he does not understand why a party "should be upset" by an internal clarification directed at its members. barons with the "principles with which they intend to govern" in territories where they do not have an absolute majority.

The dispute between the People's Party (PP) and Vox is a hot topic with the regional election cycle, in which the far right is gaining ground on Alberto Núñez Feijóo's party. But Santiago Abascal's party's rise has been noticeable in the polls for some time now, including at the national level. In recent months, according to the Center for Sociological Research (CIS), the Vox leader has already surpassed Feijóo in the polls for the position of Prime Minister of Spain. Neither has come close to Pedro Sánchez—who has twice as many supporters—but there has been a substantial shift in the trend over the past year. From the elections of July 23, 2023, until April 2024, the PP leader led the Vox leader by more than ten points as the preferred candidate to occupy the Moncloa Palace (the Prime Minister's official residence). The gap continued to narrow until it reached two points in November 2024, after Vox withdrew from all regional governments and lost all governmental responsibilities. And in 2025 the 'overtaking' occurred, which is still in the latest barometer.

Despite the expulsion decreed this Wednesday by the Vox leadership, the party's municipal spokesperson in Madrid, Javier Ortega Smith, has refused to back down and has declared war on the far-right leader, Santiago Abascal, and the rest of the leadership. The expulsion—still provisional in formal terms— The reason was that Ortega Smith refused to accept his dismissal as leader in the city council of the Spanish capital.This Friday, he himself guaranteed that he will defend himself to the end, if necessary resorting to "the ordinary courts." Also for defending his position as spokesperson.

The clash between the Vox spokesperson in the Madrid City Council and also founder of the party, Javier Ortega Smith, and the leadership of the far right headed by Santiago Abascal It comes from far awayBut Ortega's "disrespect" towards the state leadership following the recent decision to remove him as municipal spokesperson has led to his definitive expulsion, according to reports. Vozpópuli And ARA has confirmed this with sources within the leadership. "He refuses to comply with an internal resolution adopted unanimously, and Vox is expelling him from the party as a precautionary measure," they maintain, following the executive committee's decision on February 12.

Part One of the electoral cycle that began in Extremadura and continued in Aragon It has had no positive aspects. To begin with, it hasn't been positive for the citizens, insofar as it hasn't facilitated the formation of governing teams ready to begin a new phase of management with enthusiasm and concrete projects. People voted as they saw fit, naturally, and the purpose of these observations is not to fall into the trap of criticizing the community for the verdict of the ballot box.

When Alberto Núñez Feijóo arrived in Madrid, he did so with the aura of a capable, moderate, and predictable manager. He came from governing Galicia with everything under control, and his conciliatory approach seemed ideal for reclaiming the center ground that Pablo Casado had squandered in his failed bid for the leadership of the People's Party (PP). Feijóo was then the symbol of a right wing that wanted to become serious again, capable of inspiring confidence among the middle class and presenting itself as an alternative to Pedro Sánchez.

It all began with statements made by Santiago Abascal this Thursday, in which, speaking from Aragon, he attacked the People's Party (PP). The Vox leader accused the PP of waging a "dirty war" against his party and labeled the PP's project a "political fraud." The far-right leader's words angered the community manager The Popular Party responded from the party's official account, X, with a simple "enough." From there, the two parties became embroiled in a heated exchange of accusations, framed within the electoral battle in Aragon, with Sunday's elections—where they will likely be forced to form another coalition—serving as the pretext. To begin, the PP recalled how Ana Pilar González del Cacho, chief of staff for Vox's candidate in Aragon, Alejandro Nolasco, called Abascal a "fucking brute" when he decided to break with all PP-led regional governments. "It's not Genoa (the PP's headquarters) calling the national president of Vox useless or a fucking brute. Those criticizing Santiago Abascal are people within his own party, some of whom he still employs," the PP wrote in its tweet. It continued: "He shouldn't focus his insecurities or his party's shortcomings on the PP. He should fire those who insult him or keep quiet." The Popular Party ended up demanding that Vox not "blame" the PP for its "internal squabbles": "Enough is enough."

The elections in Aragon on February 8th have opened a new chasm for the far right. The ultraconservative Catholic organization Hazte Oír – which is also involved in the legal cases surrounding Pedro Sánchez – has gone on the offensive against Vox with a bus that explore ZaragozaOther Aragonese municipalities and Madrid are wondering if Santiago Abascal's party is a "green PP." It's the same rhetoric he used a year and a half ago, on the eve of the European elections, to present the PP as the "blue PSOE." The recent Hazte Oír crusade It has even reached the ears of Santiago Abascal During the election campaign. A week ago, while the Vox leader was giving a statement to the media in Caspe (Zaragoza), a woman interrupted him and confronted him, reproaching him for doing nothing while the unborn are being "murdered in the womb." "Cowardly right wing," she snapped.

Once the official mourning period for the Adamuz (Córdoba) train tragedy was over, Alberto Núñez Feijóo officially declared it concluded. the partial truce with the Spanish government And he appeared at the party's state headquarters—in previous days he had left press conferences to secondary figures—with the aim of cornering Pedro Sánchez over his handling of the crisis. In the opinion of the PP leader, this "black week" will be "a turning point" for the Spanish Prime Minister. "He has completely destroyed any remaining confidence in his leadership," the leader of the opposition emphasized, who believes that what has happened "is not bad luck" but rather "blatant incompetence" and "poor politics." Although Feijóo is currently resisting calling for resignations—citing the need for "responsible opposition"—the PP leader maintains that now is the time for Sánchez to give explanations. Feijóo has requested an extraordinary plenary session next week in Congress for Sánchez to appear and has warned that, should the majority that supported his investiture prevent it, he will force him to do so in the Senate, where the PP holds an absolute majority. Sánchez responded by submitting a request to appear before Parliament, which, according to parliamentary sources, will not happen before February, a situation that clashes with the Popular Party's demands. Meanwhile, the Minister of Transport, Óscar Puente, ruled out resigning, arguing that he has not contributed to the train accidents, either through action or inaction. For the Popular Party, it is urgent to question the Spanish president. "These are not isolated incidents; it is a general symptom" of the "collapse" of public services, said Feijóo, who opined that "the state of the tracks reflects the state of the nation." The public outcry generated by the catastrophe on the Madrid-Andalusia line, exacerbated by the two commuter rail accidents and the one in Cartagena (Murcia), has turned the issue into a way to further weaken Sánchez, and the Popular Party does not intend to let it go to waste. The Popular Party, which began the year pressuring the Spanish president with allegations of corruption within the Socialist Party (PSOE) and with Venezuela—having already demanded his appearance before Congress on these two issues before even two weeks had passed in 2026—is now seizing on the railway "chaos." This front adds to the ever-growing list of headaches for the Socialist leader and has overshadowed the other hot potatoes that have marked this tumultuous start to the year and the legislature in general. Meanwhile, Sánchez, speaking from Brussels early this morning, asserted that his government is assuming all its responsibilities "from the very beginning" following the train accident in Adamuz: "We assume them all, as we have been doing since the first moment of the tragedy," he said. "The damage is irreparable, but the victims will always have the government's support in whatever is necessary, and [...] we will respond as we have responded to any of the crises we have faced," he added. The People's Party (PP) argues that it has been asking for months about the "breakdowns, delays, and maintenance" of the railway network without receiving any satisfactory response. A PP senator, in fact, shared on X a statement he made during the question period on December 2nd, addressed to Puente, in which he denounced him and declared: "I hope that, because of Sánchez and all of you, we don't have to lament any misfortune." "It was to be expected," stated the Murcian parliamentarian Francisco Bernabé.

In less than 24 hours, Santiago Abascal seized upon the Córdoba train accident to declare that "nothing works under corruption and lies," and Silvia Orriols latched onto Salvador Illa's infection to chirp that "a president's life is worth no more than that of a police officer, a mechanic, or a florist..." I would say that if these two statements catch our attention, it's not so much because their content has shocked us more than usual from these two figures, but because they reflect the confidence of the new right that the cultural winds are in their favor—the rhetorical excess that betrays those who have taken the polls at face value and are going overboard. It's impossible to know for sure whether these pronouncements will ultimately add to or detract from their support, but it has become abundantly clear that the aura of authenticity surrounding right-wing leaders is just as much of a pose as that of the rivals they criticize so vehemently, and in reality, they all follow the same playbook.