A few days ago, King Juan Carlos, the emeritus, was applauded and cheered by the audience in a bullring, who, with signs of enthusiasm, asked him to return. To return to Spain, of course, but also to return to the position of power and preeminence that, according to these people, he deserves. Juan Carlos I, it is worth remembering, is an unelected head of state who, over forty years of reign, defrauded billions to the Treasury of the very state over which he reigned, and who also used the institutions and powers of the state (and, naturally, the public treasury) for his personal interests, ranging from erotic adventures to business dealings with oil sheikhs who have finally taken him in under the auspices of a dictatorship. Many, however, are still supporters of Juan Carlos convinced that the monarch lives in forced exile, a victim of his son Felipe's treacherous understanding with the enemies of the homeland, etc.I mention this because, in Spain, corruption is so deeply rooted within the very architecture of the state that it is an inseparable part of it. From the king downwards, literally: the judiciary, the army, the police forces. Of course, also elected governments, whether central, regional, or municipal. And political parties, naturally. One should never forget the lush jungle of corrupters, which includes everything from construction, energy, and technology companies to media outlets, and, needless to say, banks.Now, the PP and the PSOE are facing, in parallel, trials for corruption cases: the corrosive Kitchen plot, concerning the Popular Party, and the shabby masquerade case, or Koldo case, or Ábalos or Cerdán (it is referred to in all these ways) concerning the Socialists. The coincidence of these two judicial proceedings can be considered the start of the election campaign for the upcoming general elections. Therefore, we will see and hear the leaders, and sympathetic journalists and media, exchanging insults and reproaches in the childish and poisoned tone that Spanish politics has adopted for some time, in a spectacle that can only be endured on the most cheerful days.However, we should not be mistaken. Even in corruption there are classes, and in the Spanish state, the one in charge of this matter is and always will be the Popular Party. The corrupt dealings of the socialists and other parties can amount to considerable mire, but no other party, not even the PSOE, can afford to organize patriotic police forces or to blow up banks in Andorra just to destroy political enemies, both external and internal. This is for one reason: as in the film Tomorrow is Another Day, the other parties are contingent, while the PP is necessary. Necessary for the continuity of the homeland, as understood by the aforementioned institutions and companies. Necessary to maintain a balance of power in Spain, as understood by, for example, all those who applauded Juan Carlos in the bullring.

1. While here we are eating the 'mona' cake, in Madrid they are working. The third term of the school year begins with one of those news items that will have repercussions. This Monday, the trial for Operation Kitchen begins at the National Court. The case will once again place the Popular Party at the epicenter of the mire. And this is not just a case of corruption. It is much more than that. It is being investigated whether the party in power used the State to cover up its own corruption. The indications seem clear, but justice, in Spain, can always come out with a broken candle.

Three months after the elections in Extremadura, it seems the People's Party (PP) and Vox are seeing the light at the end of the tunnel. The two parties met this Wednesday in Mérida to finalize the agreement that would allow María Guardiola to be sworn in and re-elected as regional president. Speaking after the meeting, both parties affirmed that there is "harmony" and expressed optimism, although they cautioned that there are still "issues to be resolved" before the pact can be considered complete.

The former secretary general of the PP youth wing, a young man named Carlo G. Angrisano, has left the New Generations. peperas to switch to Vox, how can one read in this newspaperDon't think that Angrisano, a young man with the ruddy complexion typical of certain conservative youth, made this decision out of self-interest. On the contrary: he is driven by the disappointment he feels with the party he belonged to until the end of last week: "I was one of many Spaniards convinced that the People's Party should protect the best of our country," he laments in a highly sentimental message posted on social media. Now, however, he sees that the PP has ceased to represent the values ​​for which he joined the party, namely: "Love for Spain, for its identity, its history, its freedom, and the dignity of our people." And he perceives, instead, that Vox does represent all these ideals, which, according to Angrisano, are now "trampled on by separatism" (he hasn't realized that separatism is dedicated to trampling on itself). The now-former secretary general of the PP's youth wing sees "firm ideas" and "unwavering principles" in Vox, which, incidentally, is the party for which his uncle, Juan Carlos Girauta, is currently a Member of the European Parliament. Girauta had previously been a member of the PP and Ciutadans, and, in his youth, of the PSC. Following the family tradition of political opportunism, and as self-serving Catalans, perhaps once they're done with Vox they can join Aliança Catalana together.

The scandal surrounding the allocation of subsidized housing in Alicante continues to grow. Adding to the controversy over a real estate development that has benefited up to five members of the People's Party (PP), several city council employees, and officials from the Valencian regional government (Generalitat), is the fact that more than a dozen families with multiple members who have been granted apartments reside in the building. Among them are even three siblings and two cousins ​​between the ages of 18 and 24, a particularly striking detail given that the initial steps for the project date back to 2018, which would have required them to register at 14 or 15 years old. The latest information comes from a report prepared by the Alicante Local Police at the request of the court investigating the case. The document reveals that up to 46 of the 140 apartments in the building known as Les Naus have no registered residents, and that many others have one registered resident but "more people" living there. The report also notes that 12 non-allocated individuals reside in six apartments. Furthermore, it points out that 26 mailboxes appear neglected, with a significant amount of uncollected advertising, suggesting that the apartments are vacant. All of this data indicates potential violations because the regulations for allocating apartments require the inclusion of documentation for all cohabitants, stipulate that the allocated apartment must be used as the primary residence, and state that the annual income of the family unit must not exceed €54,600, according to the new limit set by the PP (previously €48,000).

The People's Party (PP) is missing a key piece in its solution plan for Catalonia: funding. Although it knows that without Catalonia's support, reaching the Moncloa Palace (the Spanish Prime Minister's residence) becomes much more difficult, it often plays on anti-Catalan sentiment, which benefits it abroad. That regional funding is an uncomfortable issue for the party led by Alberto Núñez Feijóo was made clear this week during the speech by the PP's Deputy Secretary for Economy, Alberto Nadal, at a luncheon organized by Pimec (the Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises Association). Following the presentation by Pimec President Antoni Cañete and his subsequent remarks, when Nadal was asked about Catalonia's fiscal deficit, which, according to 2022 data published by the government, ranges between 8.2% and 5.2% of GDP, he offered no answers. He argued that each autonomous community has its own interests and, therefore, should establish expert committees to determine their needs and then share them. Together, he said, they would be able to reform the model, conveniently ignoring the fact that the reforms implemented so far have always originated in Catalonia. Little else. He didn't quite convince the audience of an organization that had signed a document with seven other business and economic organizations demanding improvements to the Spanish government's funding proposal, the so-called G-8. The attendees applauded when Nadal pledged to lower taxes, deregulate, and repeal certain environmental and labor laws if he were to come to power in Spain. But on the issue of funding, the proposed solutions fell short.

Vox closes the door to investing María Guardiola in the first investiture vote in Extremadura. This was confirmed by the leader of the far-right party, Óscar Fernández, during his speech in the plenary session. Santiago Abascal's party continues to demand "certainties and guarantees" that the Popular Party will fulfill what is agreed upon. "There is much to be finalized," he warned. After Guardiolaimplored Vox for their support –"we are not incompatible, there is no wall between us," he said during his speech–, Óscar Fernández has asked her for "fewer nice words and more guarantees." "She kicked the ball forward, she remained in the form without getting to the heart of the matter," he reproached her. Vox reiterates that it wants to agree "measure by measure" in a negotiation that "is not broadcast live" and throws a poisoned dart at the PP's state leadership: "If an agreement has not been reached today, it is fundamentally because someone in Génova still does not want to." "We continue to believe that if you want and they let you, it is possible," he added.

Vox has derailed María Guardiola's first attempt at becoming president of the Extremadura regional government. More than two months after the elections, the People's Party (PP) and the far-right party have been unable to reach an agreement and remain deadlocked. During his speech in the plenary session, the regional leader of the far-right party, Óscar Fernández, reiterated his demand for "certainty and guarantees" that the PP will honor the agreements. "Much remains to be clarified," he warned. After Guardiola He will implore Vox for their support “We are not incompatible, there is no wall between us,” she said yesterday during her speech. Fernández asked her for “less talk and more guarantees.” “She kicked the can down the road, focusing on the form without getting to the heart of the matter,” he reproached her. The Vox deputy made it clear that his duty was to “prevent” the Popular Party candidate from “deceiving and breaking her word,” and launched a poisoned dart at the PP's national leadership: “Her enemies are within her own ranks. If an agreement wasn't reached today, it's fundamentally because someone in Genoa still doesn't want it.” With the vote, which resulted in 29 PP votes in favor of Guardiola and 36 against from the PSOE, Vox, and Unidas por Extremadura, the countdown to the repeat elections begins. There will be a second attempt this Friday afternoon, and if the investiture is also unsuccessful, the PP and Vox will have until May 4th to reach an agreement. If they fail to reach an agreement, Extremadura will hold repeat elections on June 28.

The first measure the People's Party (PP) will take if it governs in Spain will be a "first tax reform" focused on recovering the income tax increase due to inflation in recent years. This is what the PP's Deputy Secretary for Economic Affairs, Alberto Nadal, stated at a luncheon organized by PIMEC in Barcelona. The other immediate initiative would be "to repeal the legal measures that hinder the rental market, as well as certain environmental and labor regulations." Referring to the policies advocated by Elon Musk in the US and Javier Milei in Argentina, Nadal, who served as Budget Secretary under Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, asserted that "chainsaws don't exist, but files do." He also stated that when the PP was in power, it increased public spending at a rate lower than the economy's growth, thus "creating room to lower taxes."

The People's Party (PP) and Vox had two meetings on Tuesday to test their cooperation in the autonomous communities. And it became clear that reaching an understanding will not be easy. In the morning, the two parties failed to reach an agreement on the election of the president of the Aragonese Parliament, a position the PP secured on its own. "We cannot give away positions without any guarantees from Vox," sources in Madrid explained—despite having granted them a seat at the table in Extremadura "in exchange for nothing." This staged event demonstrates that Jorge Azcón is still far from reaching an agreement with Santiago Abascal's party to remain as president of Aragon. In the afternoon, María Guardiola kicked off the investiture debate in the Extremadura Assembly without having yet obtained Vox's endorsement, appealing to the far-right party's "responsibility" to "not obstruct" the formation of a new government. "We are not incompatible, there is no wall between us," she declared.

The dispute between the People's Party (PP) and Vox is a hot topic with the regional election cycle, in which the far right is gaining ground on Alberto Núñez Feijóo's party. But Santiago Abascal's party's rise has been noticeable in the polls for some time now, including at the national level. In recent months, according to the Center for Sociological Research (CIS), the Vox leader has already surpassed Feijóo in the polls for the position of Prime Minister of Spain. Neither has come close to Pedro Sánchez—who has twice as many supporters—but there has been a substantial shift in the trend over the past year. From the elections of July 23, 2023, until April 2024, the PP leader led the Vox leader by more than ten points as the preferred candidate to occupy the Moncloa Palace (the Prime Minister's official residence). The gap continued to narrow until it reached two points in November 2024, after Vox withdrew from all regional governments and lost all governmental responsibilities. And in 2025 the 'overtaking' occurred, which is still in the latest barometer.

One of the hottest debates this week in the Congress of Deputies It has been the burka ban promoted by VoxAlthough it failed to pass and only garnered the votes of the People's Party (PP), the far-right initiative opened the floodgates of discussion on the appropriateness of prohibiting the use of the full-face veil. Together for Catalonia (Juntos) presented a bill on the same day to ban it in public spaces—a text that the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) has agreed to consider—the PP followed suit two days later, and the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) has also submitted its own proposal. According to party sources, the Republicans are not in favor of prohibiting the full-face veil and imposing criminal penalties on women who violate it, but they do advocate for "discouraging" its use through mandatory community service. This is their "effective solution" to "end the burka" while preventing the measure from harming the women who wear it, they believe. "Making the burka a crime will isolate them even more," warned ERC leader Oriol Junqueras this week.

The first opinion piece of Teresa Garcia-Milà's term as head of the Círculo de Economía (Circle of Economy) focuses on immigration, a phenomenon that all political parties, regardless of their political leanings, use more as an electoral tool and a means of conflict than as a means of finding solutions. A calm and in-depth debate is necessary to address this issue, as it is a structural one. In recent years, both Catalonia and Spain have experienced a surge in newcomers, which, while not the sole factor, has contributed to rising housing prices, as supply has failed to meet the accelerated demand, also putting pressure on public services. In a short time, compared to other countries, our numbers have grown significantly. Therefore, this prestigious forum, whose members represent a broad range of ideologies, has chosen to dedicate its opinion piece—the document through which it establishes its position on major issues—to a subject that is often treated demagogically by politicians. There are no magic formulas or easy solutions to a complex issue with many facets, from economic and labor issues to social ones, which has fallen too heavily into the hands of populist rhetoric.

The ban on the full-face veil is a recurring debate in Catalonia and Spain, but it has never been addressed in depth. Now the PSOE is willing to talk with Junts, which has submitted a bill.just as they did in Parliament– to ban the burka in public spaces. This was the reaction of the members of the regional assembly following their vote against the bill presented by Vox on the same matter. which has only had the support of the PP and which Congress rejected with 177 votes against, 170 in favor, and one abstention.

The People's Party continues to pull every string to retain the presidency of the Regional Government of Extremadura. A month and a half after the elections, in which María Guardiola won again And with Vox doubling its number of seats, negotiations are more deadlocked than ever. After Santiago Abascal's party announced yesterday one No After a resounding rejection of María Guardiola and the Extremadura candidate's call for "responsibility" from the PSOE to unblock the situation, the PP's national leadership has adopted the roadmap of the baroness The PP, which is focused on regional affairs, admits it prefers a single-party government through abstentions from either the PSOE or Vox to a coalition with the far right. Despite having negotiated a joint government with Santiago Abascal's party for over a month, the deadlock in talks has forced the PP to look to the PSOE. Sources close to Alberto Núñez Feijóo blame the Socialists for their agreement with the far right and justify their abstention by arguing that if the Socialists campaigned as a "deal to stop the far right," it is now "consistent" for them to abstain to prevent Vox from entering the regional government. These same sources make it clear that they would prefer "not to hand over any portfolios" and acknowledge that if Abascal's party doesn't lower its demands—they want ministries with budgets—"the situation becomes more complicated." "Postponing the negotiations is bad news," they add. What they do rule out, despite the impasse, is a repeat election. "What will be different?" they ask at the People's Party headquarters. They also don't foresee María Guardiola having to step aside due to disagreements with the far right, whom they criticize for wanting to "replace" her despite having obtained 26 percentage points less at the polls. Later, Feijóo's team clarified that it wasn't a change of position, but rather that "in a completely general sense," they prefer single-party governments to "handing power over to other parties." However, they also acknowledged that "since neither Vox nor the PSOE intends to abstain in exchange for anything, we are left with no option but to explore securing support in exchange for something, which could be seats in the cabinet," the same sources concluded.

The way in which the People's Party (PP) has not only done nothing to stop its direct electoral competitor—Vox—but has actually helped its growth, is an unprecedented case. Or, at least, a rare one. The PP and its media allies normalized Vox as a political actor from the very first moment it appeared on the scene, before it had any representation in public institutions. Its first major public event, in October 2018 in Vistalegre, signified the definitive recognition of the new party within the Spanish political system. It was an interesting moment: while democratic politicians were being heavily persecuted by the state and criminalized in the eyes of the public, facing exile, imprisonment, and expropriation, the new Spanish far-right and nationalist party (there had been Ciudadanos before, which had already begun its decline) was quickly accepted as a political option as valid as any other.

The People's Party (PP) sought a special guest for the closing of its campaign in Aragon. Specifically, at the event organized by New Generations, the PP's youth wing, immediately following the final rally with Jorge Azcón—the current president of Aragon and PP candidate—and Alberto Núñez Feijóo, the far-right agitator Vito Quiles, who also ran in the European elections with the far-right party, moderated the discussion. The event, entitled "De K-ñas," consisted of an interview with Jorge Azcón by Quiles and an "informal" conversation with young party members. At the close of the election campaign, Azcón called for continued strength to advance along the same path as this legislative term. Polls favor him in maintaining first place, but also point to an increasing dependence on Vox.

One apartment for the Councilor for Urban Planning, Rocío Gómez; others for both children and the nephew of the Director General of Internal Organization, Public Procurement, and Fund Management, María Pérez-Hickman; two more for the municipal architect, Francisco Nieto, and the wife of the Chief of Staff of the Ministry of Tourism, Miguel Ángel Sánchez; and finally, one for the wife of the technician from the Ministry of Housing who validated the applications. This is the provisional tally of the controversial allocation of subsidized public housing among several officials of the Alicante City Council and the Valencian Regional Government.

The Alicante City Council will cross-reference the data of those awarded public housing with that of the current staff of civil servants to determine if any other employees are linked to the allocation of subsidized housing to various municipal officials. This was announced on Tuesday by the Councilor for Contracting and Human Resources and leader of the People's Party, Manuel Villar, who stated that he does not intend to carry out a "witch hunt," but wants to clarify if there are other city officials and officials who were awarded housing or who had "connection to the procedure." He also detailed that an extraordinary plenary session dedicated to the controversy will be held this Thursday, as requested by the opposition groups. The scandal has already resulted in the resignation of the Councilor for Urban Planning, Rocío Gómez – who was one of the recipients – and the municipal Director General of Internal Organization, Public Procurement and Funds Management, María Pérez-Hickman, along with her two sons and a nephew. Furthermore, the actions of a technician from the Housing Department, already under investigation, are being examined. This technician approved a housing unit for his wife, a municipal employee, and for the municipal architect, Francisco Nieto, who also benefited from the program.

Controversy has erupted in Alicante City Hall over the allocation of public housing to several municipal officials. The Councilor for Urban Planning, Rocío Gómez, and the Director General of Internal Organization, Public Procurement, and Funds Management, María Pérez-Hickman, have resigned due to their alleged involvement in irregularities in the allocation of public housing in an area of ​​Sant Joan beach. Pérez-Hickman's departure comes a day after the mayor, Luis Barcala, a leader of the People's Party (PP), ordered an investigation to determine if any irregularities occurred, given that the Councilor for Urban Planning, the municipal architect Francisco Nieto, and two of Pérez-Hickman's children were involved. Barcala has promised to "go all the way" and to report "the slightest suspicion" of illegal activity to the Public Prosecutor's Office. Regarding Gómez, who resigned this Friday afternoon, the mayor stated that the councilwoman acquired the status of beneficiary of one of the public housing units under investigation "five years before" entering politics. He added that the building permit for the property was granted in 2022, also a year before she joined the city council as a councilwoman. "To the best of our knowledge, [Rocío Gómez] has not intervened in any decision whatsoever related to this social housing case," the Popular Party leader added. Luis Barcala stated that he hopes the internal investigation will clarify the situation of his colleague on the governing team. Once he has all the information, he pledged to share it with the opposition and "to take action at the slightest indication of wrongdoing." "Under no circumstances can we allow even the slightest suspicion to exist in such a sensitive issue as housing, especially given the alarm generated by the lack and need for housing," he concluded.