The split in the pro-independence left is challenging the CUP.

BarcelonaWhen we talk about universities and left-wing activism in the Catalan Countries, the Student Union of the Catalan Countries (SEPC) immediately comes to mind. Since its creation, it has established itself and consolidated its position as one of the main political actors in the country's student centers. Now, however, a new movement is challenging its position, including within the CUP (Union of Left-Wing Workers' Union), its institutional representative. During this academic year, the Socialist Youth Organization (OJS), a split from Arran, has increased its presence in Catalan universities, organizing educational events and participating in actions against far-right acts. It has also redoubled its presence on the streets, gathering nearly a thousand people in Badalona at the beginning of the month to protest against the rise of fascism and has amplified its criticism of the CUP (Union of Left-Wing Workers' Union), which it considers "a crutch" for the institutional left-wing parties. By region, this new movement is making its mark in neighborhoods of Barcelona and also in the city of Mataró, unlike in Central Catalonia, where the traditional pro-independence left remains stronger.

But who is this new political actor? To what extent does it differ from Arran and the CUP? The OJS is part of a broader movement, the Socialist Movement. In Spain, this movement emerged in the Basque Country as a result of differences within the Aberzale left and has spread to various parts of the peninsula, including Catalonia. Their main criticism of the pro-independence left (understood as the political space that includes the CUP, Arran, and the SEPC, among others) is that they believe that in recent years, especially during the Process, they have been "relegated to the dynamics of bourgeois parties," referring to the bloc they formed with ERC and the former CDC (now the "CDC"). A course that the Socialist Movement believes hinders "the emancipation of the working class."

The strategic difference

Although Arran and the SEPC have also openly criticized specific decisions and actions of the CUP, they consider their institutional leader to be a key element in the strategy of the pro-independence left. This strategy, which they call Popular Unity, theoretically consists of uniting social and militant groups in a joint struggle to make a revolution, seize power, and achieve socialism. In this context, they see the CUP as necessary because they believe that we must also "challenge the institutions," they affirm from Arran.

On the other hand, the OJS believes that this approach has proven "inefficient" over the last decade. Therefore, they are advocating a different strategy, which they call the Socialist Process, which consists of setting aside, for now, the institutions and winning supporters first on the streets, distancing themselves from the reforms that the current parties might promote. They haven't ruled out running for Parliament, but they assert that if they do, it will be when "socialist ideas" have achieved a certain "hegemony" among the population. Now, they believe that parliamentary practice is "eating up" the CUP's daily life, and they don't want to fall into the same trap. If they run for the Catalan parliament, they say it will be "to defend a revolutionary practice"—without specifying what that entails—framed within "a project of the working class."

Are they independentists?

The other question hovering over this split in the pro-independence left is whether they maintain independence as one of their organizational goals. At Arran events, it's common to see three flags: an Estelada, a red flag, and a purple one. They symbolize the axes they work with: independence, socialism, and feminism. However, at OJS events, only red flags are seen, as the organization believes that socialism already encompasses everything.

This position has led to criticism, as they are accused of neglecting the fight for independence and the feminist struggle. "That's not the case. What we're saying is that if we don't go all the way to addressing all the pillars of today's society that reproduce gender and national oppression, we won't be able to overcome them," say OJS sources.

Precisely because of this speech, Arran and the SEPC are convinced that the growth of the new organization will not harm them excessively: "In the feminist struggle and in the national question there is a gap that is ours. We are calm because we believe that we want different things and people also see it," they conclude from '.

The number of militants, an unknown

As for the numbers, it is difficult to determine whether the political space of the pro-independence left is in decline, and even more so what the causes of an increase or decrease in membership are. Neither the SEPC nor Arran—nor the OJS—provide data on the number of active members for now. Arran points out that at the time of the split, "approximately less than a third" of the organization left and that they have recovered their membership level to the level the organization had before the Process, which was lower than at the time of the split. However, no one provides official figures.