The PP intends to wrest the housing banner from Sánchez: "He has failed"

BarcelonaMovements within the People's Party (PP) are underway amidst a poisoned poll landscape, particularly in Catalonia, with a shift in focus on housing. According to multiple sources consulted by ARA, the polls have prompted several lines of action, one of which aims to reverse the party's limited impact on this issue, with the intention of wresting it from the Spanish and Catalan governments. PP sources confirm that the party has been "focusing heavily on immigration but has relegated housing to the back burner" and is now working on a strategy to "intensify" measures to address the housing crisis, because "it is the main problem facing society," as reflected in the CEO (31%) and the majority of the polls—and it is the central theme of Pedro Sánchez's platform. Although it is a "complex" issue for the right wing, as they acknowledge, they want to accelerate their efforts. Furthermore, the battle for housing will once again take center stage because "the order of priority needs to be changed" after months dominated by the immigration plan. The Popular Party (PP) wants to capitalize on the boomerang effect that the severity of the housing crisis could have on the Socialist Party (PSOE)—which they label a "failure" of the socialists—and to start competing with the Spanish president, instead of fighting on an issue that the far right is leading through deportations. They also want to offer liberal solutions, although "the discourse on housing is more complex because it is more ideological," as the PP acknowledges, and "it is easier to say that we must limit rental prices, which is a solution that disrupts the market." But they cling to data such as the increase in rental prices despite the cap and the meager 31 subsidized housing units built in Barcelona in seven years through the 30% public allocation in new developments. The diagnosis is that the housing crisis "will backfire on the left because the gap between what is being built and what is needed is enormous," as another Popular Party leader acknowledges.

Offensive

Proof of this new offensive is the interpellation in the December plenary session of the Catalan PP's mastermind, Senator Juan Milián, who wields considerable influence in the party's headquarters in Madrid, and who addressed the Minister of Housing, Isabel Rodríguez. One of the first points of the strategy is to discredit the left's "interventionist" initiatives, suggesting that the problem is increasingly serious, and then to defend the liberal-conservative approach. In the Catalan Parliament, Deputy Àngels Esteller is leading this effort, criticizing the Socialists and defending the right to private property. They also cite examples they consider worthy, such as that of the Balearic president, Marga Prohens, and her emergency housing plan, which includes apartments for "locals"—the Balearic Islands—focused on young people, with agreements in place, plans for secure rental housing with subsidies for landlords, and a construction program.

The PP's proposed solution is to eliminate bureaucratic obstacles, promote tax deductions, facilitate access to land for developers and collaborate with them—to achieve affordable rental and purchase options—increase the public housing stock, and also eliminate price caps. Distributing guarantees for renting and buying, lowering taxes, and combating illegal occupation—as included in their summer housing plan—are other proposals. This is very different from the purchase limitations proposed by the Comuns (a maximum of one home per person in high-demand areas), which the PSC is considering.

The Catalan headache

Another thorny issue is the "worrying" percentage of Catalans who, according to the CEO, have Alberto Núñez Feijóo as their preferred leader to become Spanish president – only 3%, compared to 5% for Yolanda Díaz, 7% for Santiago Abascal and 32% for Pedro Sánchez – which means that the party would also obtain between 5 and 6 seats in Congress.

In Madrid, they are "worried about the polls in Catalonia." "What Feijóo might gain is more concerning than the number of seats he'll win in the regional elections," says one party leader consulted. The core issue is growth in the Principality, an outstanding obligation. Although several sources try to downplay it, the 3% of Catalans who favor Feijóo are striking, with the added detail that only 53% of PP voters, according to the CEO (Center for Opinion Studies), want him to be president. The solution, explain sources within the People's Party, is for "Feijóo to be more visible" with "his program." This offensive is an absolute priority for the national leadership.

The goal is to change the balance from 40 seats to 8 in favor of Sánchez's investiture, but the PP is stagnating, including the defection to Vox. The Galician leader comes to Catalonia once a month, and his last visit was an event at Foment – in which He asked the business leaders to convince Junts for a motion of no confidence to be valid. Numerous voices say that working on the connection with Catalan business leaders "went well." In any case, they deny that the polling problem is the responsibility of Catalonia: "Feijóo has to fix it; neither Alejandro [Fernández] nor Santi [Rodríguez] can fix his image. It has to be him, by coming here more often and explaining himself," say sources consulted. Another high-ranking official insists that it is necessary to strengthen the national leader's "economic discourse" and "build a presence on the ground." Other sources consulted point to the "intentionality" of the polls, although they warn that if Feijóo pays attention to various surveys like the CEO poll or this one, it could be a sign of "vulnerability." The problem would be that "populisms would overwhelm" a "tired" segment of the population, a situation "pronounced" in Catalonia, according to one leader, who believes there is a different "sociological" reality after the 2008 crisis "further fueled radicalism." However, some voices warn that it is necessary to "fight against populism" and opt for "practical politics," which they believe Fernández often neglects.