The Pope, the Church and the Spanish state

MadridAt the beginning of the eighties, Lluís Foix, then director of The Vanguard, offered me a job as a correspondent in Rome. I didn't give it much thought. It was an unmissable opportunity to broaden my horizons. From the very first day, I was as interested in following the Vatican as, if not more, than in Italian politics and its constant government crises. The Christian Democrats remained attached to power, but with complex and unstable pacts with minority forces, such as Bettino Craxi's Socialist Party. At the Holy See, the pontificate of Pope John Paul II was still in its initial stages, closely followed by the Spanish press, at a particularly interesting time due to the imminent political change that would take Felipe González's PSOE to the Moncloa, with an absolute majority of 202 deputies. Among the correspondents in Rome was Juan Arias (The Country) and Joaquín Navarro-Valls (Abc), later a spokesperson for the Holy See. My gratitude to both of them is eternal, for the kindness with which they welcomed me. In the editorial office of The Vanguard The always extended helping hand was that of Father Jordi Piquer, who exercised his auctoritas in the matter with a sweetness of character that made obedience a pleasure.

All these memories have come flooding back to me now, and have made me wonder how the social perception of the Church's activity in Spain might have changed in almost four decades, after pontificates as different as those of Wojtyla, Ratzinger, and Bergoglio. I didn't have to follow a conclave. In the 1980s, John Paul II's authority in leading the universal Church was strong and evident. Many will remember the image of Ernesto Cardenal kneeling before the Pope, who was scolding him, during his official visit to Managua in 1983. Cardenal was one of the most prominent representatives of liberation theology and Minister of Culture in Nicaragua between 1979 and 1987, and a poet in a socialist government. Wojtyla banned him from administering the sacraments in 1984. Ten years later, Ernesto Cardenal left the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) in protest against the authoritarian evolution of President Daniel Ortega's regime. Pope Francis reinstated him in February 2019, lifting the suspension. to divines imposed thirty-five years earlier. A clear sign of the changing international situation and the diverse nature of the pontificates of Wojtyla and Bergoglio. Special, but the contrast between Wojtyla's and Bergoglio's decisions raises the question of what path the Vatican will now follow, or whether it will attempt a kind of third way. And in relation to this, how might the evolution of the Spanish Church affect Spain and its government? In this last area, the interlocutors who have played a prominent role are the current president of the Conference, Luis Argüello; Cuelgamuros, formerly the Valley of the Fallen; and the negotiation on tax exemptions for the Church. Dialogue on these matters has been greatly facilitated by the pontificate of Pope Francis. Responding that this coincidence was a good start.

A few weeks ago, with Bergoglio already hospitalized, Cardinal Pietro Parolin, Vatican Secretary of State, received a government delegation led by Bolaños himself to discuss the redefinition of Cuelgamuros, an objective recognized by the Holy See. Also on the delegation was Alberto Herrera, now Undersecretary at the Moncloa Palace and formerly in the Ministry of Health during Salvador Illa's tenure as minister during the pandemic. Years earlier, it was Bergoglio himself who received Carmen Calvo, then First Vice President of the government, when she traveled to the Vatican to inform the Holy See of the decision to remove General Franco's remains from the Cuelgamuros Basilica. In that interview, Calvo explained to the Pope that she had not considered it necessary to go to see him wearing a mantilla, and Bergoglio replied: "The important thing is not what you wear on your head, but what you have inside."

Cases of pedophilia were also discussed with Bergoglio himself and with Parolín. The Vatican's message was always against any tolerance. However, both the Spanish government and broad sectors of the Church itself understand that the problem of the many years of silence and the complaints from victims has not been adequately resolved, despite acknowledging the work done by the Ombudsman, Ángel Gabilondo. The government wants a joint commission to examine the claims and establish compensation for the Church. Sources from the Episcopal Conference believe that further discussions will be necessary. For the government, the major pending issue is the review of the 1979 agreements with the Holy See. The objective is to regulate the secular nature of the State. Obviously, it will first be necessary to determine who is elected as the next pontiff and, undoubtedly, wait for another term to guarantee a framework of political stability, which currently lacks. What will remain unchanged indefinitely is the financing through the 0.7% box on the income tax return. Last year, €384 million was collected through this means. More than 9 million citizens tick the box. "Surely," a source from the Conference told me, "more people help us than those who go to church afterward."