BarcelonaThe historian Josep Maria Muñoz has just published An infinite sorrow, in which he reviews the last half-century of Catalan politics and Catalonia's failed attempts to reformulate the State with the recognition of its national identity.
An infinite sorrow"These are the words of the book," he titles, paraphrasing Joan Oliver. Does Pere Quart's poem exemplify Catalonia's frustration in becoming a state?
— Recharge is the feeling of having done something, or not having done it, that weighs heavily on you. There's a sense of lack in a book that can't be forgotten, one that was written after we collectively suffered a major setback.
Despite the setback, does it underline that the Catalan issue is still present in the room?
— It will necessarily have to be addressed in different terms, but this doesn't mean we can simply turn the page. However, it will have to be rethought from the ground up, rigorously and with a realistic policy.
It provides a historical overview of the four attempts in the last half-century to find a solution to the Catalan dispute.
— There is a common element in the Transition and the constitutional period: Pujol, Maragall, and the Process. Catalan nationalism has always sought to reform Spain. It has not only defended self-government but has also tried to configure Spain differently, based on its constitutive plurality.
Without success...
— We will likely conclude that Spain, after fifty years, has become unreformable. We are far from a constitutional moment, and that opportunity for change has already passed.
He also criticizes the lack of willingness of the Spanish left to embrace the plurinationality of the State.
— Yes, Catalan political nationalism has always found more dialogue with the Spanish left than with the right, but the Spanish left responds to a Jacobin model very far from the defense that the PSOE made of the right to self-determination of peoples during the transition.
And then came the Process, which he defines as "a democratic revolt that crashed against the wall of the State and against its own naiveté."
— The movement toward sovereignty, which grows from the grassroots, is gaining extraordinary strength. And, driven by enthusiasm, it tends to adopt a naive approach toward a very powerful state that is prepared to combat the secessionist attempt with all available means.
Where did the independence movement fail in the Process?
— The Catalan independence movement is embarking on a narrowing path and losing allies. The Statute of Autonomy was supported by 120 of the 135 members of parliament, and the independence process began with the backing of the PSC and Comuns for the right to self-determination. Setting a very short deadline and aiming for nothing less than the proclamation of an independent republic is causing it to lose allies. The acceleration of the process is blinding it to the fact that it is losing allies and that a significant portion of Catalan society is turning against it.
Was declaring independence a mistake?
— It was a blatant mistake. The smartest way out was to take advantage of the enormous collective force of October 3, 2017, when Catalan society took to the streets en masse to say that the way to resolve this issue is not with batons or police and that we must be listened to. Many people who defend the No And this communion is broken because instead of calling plebiscite elections, a rather ridiculous proclamation of independence is made that lacks legitimacy, has neither the elements to defend it nor the recognition of anyone.
What would an election have changed?
— We can't know for sure, but the ballot box lent legitimacy to the independence movement, with a very powerful result. And it was very important to say to Europe that we were claiming a right. When Europe sees that a republic is being proclaimed, its sympathy ends. Just remember that Puigdemont and Comín sat in the back row in the European Parliament, without any political group. That was a huge mistake.
He criticizes the fact that Catalonia is not considered a single people and that its relationship with Spain is not questioned.
— Catalan reality is treated asymmetrically compared to Spanish reality. The PP and PSOE deny that Catalonia is a single people. This is a 19th-century concept that should be updated to reflect 21st-century realities, but the PSUC's idea is valid for avoiding dividing society by origin or language. The Spanish response to the pro-independence movement is based on identity, and the pro-independence movement, aware of its minority status, has been very careful in building a majority based on republican values. Spain's response is an appeal to national sentiment.
Aliança Catalana does appeal to national identity.
— We must consider the magnitude of the phenomenon, but I'm not convinced it's the ultimate manifestation of the Process, caricaturing it and making it racist, because its growth has little to do with independence. The president of the Spanish Episcopal Conference, Luis Argüello, revealed that in Valladolid, more and more people are listening to Orriols' speeches with subtitles.