Simulate that you are a politician to bring young people closer to democracy
Political scientistThe shift of youth towards conservative positions, especially among boys, often leaves another reality out of focus: the primary political option among young people, both in elections and in other instances of political participation, is abstention. In the 2024 European elections, only 2 out of 10 people under 24 exercised their right to vote. According to the Centre for Opinion Studies, the youngest age groups are the most abstentionist (less than half claim to be sure they would vote) and it is also the age group that is least informed about politics.
If we look at the profiles of demobilized young people, not all of them fit the same pattern. On the one hand, there are young people critical of the system, of how things work. They have a certain degree of political connection and consume information more or less frequently. They show a (profound) dissatisfaction with public policies, the functioning of parties or institutions, and their ability to find solutions. On the other hand, there are disaffected young people, those who are disconnected from political life. Although when they verbalize it, they may seem just as critical as the first group (or more so), they have a different profile: rather little political information, no desire to obtain it, and a higher degree of cynicism.
What can be done to (re)connect both groups of young people with politics? One of the policies that has been explored is civic education. Numerous countries around the world have a variation of what in our country was known a few years ago as "education for citizenship," a light introduction to social and political issues, and which, if we believe a study by Enrique Hernández and Carol Galais (UAB), slightly increased young people's political information and connection.
However, there is another path, which involves immersing students in a real simulation with direct impact on institutions. This is precisely what the workshop "I am a deputy" of the Parliament of Catalonia does: this academic year it has brought together more than 7,000 students from all over Catalonia, who have debated proposals and ideas that have subsequently been sent to the deputies of the Catalan chamber. One of the underlying objectives is to immerse young people in real political dynamics in order to break with the negative relationship that many have towards institutional politics.
A window of opportunity
Do these simulations work? As has been shown in some cases, the answer is not entirely obvious: people critical of the system may react negatively and see through the facade, no matter how much institutions focus on the benefits. This spiral of negativity, however, did not occur in the case of the workshops at the Parliament. This is certified by the evaluation, co-directed by the pedagogue Verónica Moreno (UPF). Comparing similar students, but who differ in that some have attended the workshop while others have not, the evaluation reveals that the workshop increased interest in Catalan politics, the perception that it is important to vote in elections, and the idea that young people's votes can influence what happens in the Catalan chamber.
The workshops also changed many students' view of politics: from
politicking to a more institutional view; from ignorance to the perception that the Parliament can change things. Although the effect was short-lived, it also prompted some students to reflect on how they consume political information, moving them away from Instagram and TikTok and closer to traditional media such as TV or radio.
However, these civic education tools are still just a drop in the ocean and have their limits: while some students improve, others remain (very) critical after the workshop. This latter group, however, is no longer resigned to indifference. And this is no small achievement: a quality democracy is not usually built with apathetic citizens, but with critical ones.
Another wave of nationalizations?
In recent years, the UK government has initiated a process of (re)nationalization of railway operating companies. The debate over the recovery by the public sector of services managed by private hands is not exclusive to the British Isles. In our country, for example, many municipalities are striving to remunicipalize some services, such as water management. As Mulder's data shows, state nationalizations have fluctuated throughout history: they reached their peak in the mid-seventies, although their effect was relative given the wave of liberalizations that occurred everywhere. Following the 2008 financial crisis, we have observed another wave of nationalizations. In recent years, they have grown again. Is another wave coming?