A guide to understanding the Valencian PP

BarcelonaWithin the universe of the Spanish People's Party (PP), the Valencian PP has a reputation for being excessive and problematic. A vote-getter, but also a source of scandals. If we look more closely, however, the Valencian PP isn't one, but three: the one in Alicante, the one in Valencia, and the one in Castellón.

The PP in Alicante is the most similar to the Madrid PP and, therefore, the most aligned with Ayuso. It's based in a territory without a defined Valencian identity and which, in many ways, is like an extension—the beach, in fact—of the capital city. Its main driving force is construction and tourism, in other words, easy money. The conservative hegemony in the Castilian-speaking regions is overwhelming, making it an impregnable stronghold, much like Murcia. It's no coincidence that the two times the PP has ousted the left, it has done so with candidates from Alicante: Eduardo Zaplana in 1995 and Carlos Mazón in 2023, both with a more liberal than conservative profile. The PP in the districts of the province of Valencia has a stronger Valencian identity, even if it is regional. This brings it closer to a PP like the one in the Balearic Islands. But, also due to its more urban character, it is more progressive than the PP in Alicante or Castellón. The reason is that in the central districts of the country and also in some metropolitan areas, the left remains strong, and Compromís, in particular, challenges the PP's claim to Valencian identity. It's worth remembering that the president of the Valencia Provincial Council, Vicent Mompó, governs this institution not with Vox but in alliance with a progressive party that is a splinter group of the PSPV, Nos Uneix. And so the provincial council, for example, has not reduced its funding for the Valencian language or the Valencian Language Academy.

The Castellón branch of the People's Party (PP) has much less influence due to demographics, but it often acts as an arbiter between Valencia and Alicante, granting it a more prominent role than it might otherwise have. The political culture of the Castellón PP is that of the classic political bosses, making Carlos Fabra, the fourth generation of a family that dominates Castellón politics, its most prominent historical figure. They are also, at the same time, the most ideologically conservative, most similar to the Galician PP. Obviously, this is a simplification, and there's a mix of everything everywhere, but there are indeed idiosyncrasies that must be understood to grasp a territory that is more complex than it appears.

The details

On Thursday, while the final day of the trial of the Attorney General was taking place at the Supreme Court, Pedro Sánchez donned jeans—trousers and a jacket—and visited RNE3 to chat about music. There he praised Rosalía's latest album. Lux –"It's wonderful," he said, explaining that he also liked the American singer Sharon Van Etten and the Canadian group Destroyer.

Carles Puigdemont revealed to X on Friday that he had received a letter from the Spanish Tax Agency at his home in Waterloo with the address written in Catalan: "Avenida del abogado", although the official name is in French.Lawyer's AvenuePuigdemont congratulated the Belgian postal services and concluded: "Now you try sending a letter to the 'Paseo de la Castellana' in Madrid, and see if it arrives..."