ERC resigns itself to Rufián's "indiscipline"

BarcelonaGabriel Rufián is one of those increasingly rare figures in political parties: a maverick who often brings media attention to the organization, but who is also a recurring, ever-present thorn in its side. The left-wing and pro-independence front that the ERC spokesperson in Congress advocates lacks the backing of Oriol Junqueras' leadership and doesn't have the support of the party's rank and file—in fact, they rejected the proposal when it was put forward at the last congress. However, the Republican leader himself has already warned that this won't make him back down and that he will continue to defend the unity of the left to confront the far right. The proof is the event he headlined this Wednesday with the deputy from Más Madrid, Emilio Delgado in the Spanish capital.

Is Rufián's position causing tension within the party? Most of the Republican party members consulted by ARA dislike the position of the Republican spokesperson in Madrid, because they believe the proposal is unfeasible and because they see his attitude as "indiscipline" regarding Esquerra's official stance. In fact, some voices within the leadership admit that his position does "create tension" within the organization. However, there is also a shared understanding: that Rufián remains an asset who reaches an audience that ERC alone could not reach, and that the media attention the Republican spokesperson is garnering is, ultimately, beneficial to them.

In this sense, the Republican leader generates conflicting feelings. "The proposal doesn't make mathematical sense, because it's the Spanish left that's being dispersed, not the pro-independence left," points out one regional leader consulted. This is the thesis also defended by the leadership: they are only opting for a coalition with the pro-independence left in the European elections because these elections have a single constituency. Of all the numerous republican voices consulted, the majority do not look favorably upon Rufián's proposal, despite sharing the diagnosis of the need to consider how to curb the far right. "It's hard to believe that what Rufián is proposing would work if the national left-wing platform (Sumar and Podemos) didn't work, and even more so if now the pro-independence parties should be added," points out a source within the party. A former leader consulted considers it "impossible" that Comuns, for example, would forgo running in Catalonia to consolidate the vote around the ERC banner, as Rufián implicitly suggested. In fact, one leader suggests that if Rufián truly believed his proposal was viable, he wouldn't put it forward publicly until he had it firmly in place: "What he's doing is setting the agenda," he says.

Rufián's profile

Beyond the disagreement with the proposal itself, it's the way it was presented and defended in public that has most upset the party internally. "Rufián is a free spirit," several voices agree. "He has no sense of discipline. He's disobeying and challenging the party," another voice from the region points out. "It's an act of indiscipline," adds yet another. However, most of the party members consulted admit that Rufián's performance doesn't surprise them; rather, it fits his profile. "It goes with the pack"A leader of the party points out. However, there are also members who believe that Junqueras should have called Rufián to the ranks. "What do we gain from arguing?" a Republican leader replies.

Despite understanding Rufián's way of acting, this does not prevent it from being seen internally as a "personalist" proposal. Some even consider it a way to guarantee himself a position of strength to negotiate his candidacy—under the ERC banner—for the general elections, because the leadership has now left the Republicans in Madrid. He has Junqueras's endorsement, but the relationship between Rufián and the ERC leadership in Barcelona has not always been smooth: for example, the Republican spokesperson has wanted to be more involved in the negotiations with the PSOE, but the party has not granted it. The relationship with Junqueras has cooled. Since the Republican spokesperson has publicly defended that broad front.

Does ERC benefit?

Rufián's proposal hasn't found internal support, but several sources consulted believe it could ultimately benefit the party. "He could cast a strategic vote," predicts a former leader. "We're already doing well," notes another source. They believe ERC can capitalize on its spokesperson's position in Madrid, as he's the candidate who has unsuccessfully attempted to unite the left—currently, all the pro-independence parties and those to the left of the PSOE have closed the door. Beyond whether it benefits the party, there's also a widespread opinion that Rufián's profile has a communicative value that ERC cannot afford to lose. "He's become so influential that the leadership can't let him go," says a voice from the critical faction. The proof is that in the spontaneous response regarding who prefers Spanish citizens as president, Rufián appears as the fourth option (4.2%).

Rufián's launching of his own proposal, according to some party critics, stems from Oriol Junqueras' failure to lead an ERC platform to combat the far right. "People would like to know what the leadership's agenda is on this. How will we confront the right and the far right?" says a former leader. "There's nervousness about the current political climate, and the leadership isn't offering a winning or groundbreaking proposal," another points out. The leadership, however, maintains that it has redirected the party's strategy, placing issues like funding, commuter rail, and housing at the forefront to combat, precisely, the rise of the far right.