The lack of charisma of Salvador Isla
Salvador Isla lacks charisma. But we already know that, in turbulent times, lack of charisma can be a form of seduction. vintage, the traditional liberal democratic order: that of consensus, common sense, dialogue, predictability, stability. Despite the system's credibility crises—corruption, a broken social elevator, citizen disaffection...—this second order is guaranteed by half a century of prosperity, that of the Cold War, when power in Europe was shared between social democrats and Christian democrats. These were times of advancement for the welfare state and the consolidation of rights and freedoms, including the soft revolution of May '68. Paradoxically, the victory over the communist enemy, along with economic globalization and the resulting industrial and technological growth of Asian countries, has ended up putting this model of European success on the ropes. Should we abandon it completely, or should we try to evolve it to save it?
President Illa was born and raised in that world, with the added benefit of the Catalan and Spanish years of hope for the construction of democracy and self-government. He is a pro-European liberal-social democrat. It is no surprise, then, that his formula is to combine the two ideological traditions. When he speaks of "Christian humanism," he speaks of this. His senior officials are given a list of five points. First: "do," that is, decide and act without fear, with confidence. (Jordi Pujol spoke of "making a country"). Second: have ambition. Third: not dedicate oneself only to administration, but to "transform" (he is often accused of being a mere manager). Fourth: be gradualists, not revolutionaries (this can be read as an alternative to or a response to the Process). And fifth: have values, those of the aforementioned Christian humanism.
The biggest difference with Pujol is nationalism. Isla, again according to the terms established in the Transition, considers himself Catalanist but not nationalist, in the manner of Tarradellas's "citizens of Catalonia," but without the messianic "I'm here!" He conceives of a country of citizens, not patriots. nothing published More than a nation. He is not, therefore, a Catalan nationalist. Nor is he a Spanish nationalist: Sanchismo is not like Felipe's, although the current leader of the PSOE and Spanish president is willing to embrace both his pragmatism and Catalan uniqueness. And yet, who sees him as having the chance of succeeding Sánchez and one day leading the Spanish government? Is Spain ready to have a Catalan president? Catalonia has already had a worthy Andalusian president, José Montilla, who embraced Catalan identity.
The trickle of former Convergents recruits from the Isla government has this ideological and strategic purpose: to offer stability and democratic consensus, to embrace core Catalan sensibilities for the country's economic and social progress, and to guarantee the future of the Catalan language alongside Castilian within a multicultural state. With this program, he also aims to ward off the danger of the advance of the far right, both pro-Spanish and pro-independence. If we're historically inclined, what Isla is seeking is a kind of Peace and Truce, a mesocratic alliance of secure order and values (in medieval times, it united the Church and the peasantry against the violent extremism of the feudal lords). There's surely also electoral calculation involved, although not to directly attract voters from the current Junts party, but rather Catalans disillusioned with the pro-independence adventurism who, without renouncing their ideals, accept the gradual implementation of the Cercanías (local railway) and unique funding. Perhaps only a socialist well-regarded in Madrid and lacking in charisma can achieve this. Or perhaps Spain will once again choose its worst version. We'll soon find out.